Levinas no suele hablar del Templo, pero en sus comentarios talmúdicos, dice algunas cosas muy impresionantes acerca del templo y de su imagen. Así, al comentar el Tratado Yoma 10a del Talmud, dice que «El templo de Jerusalén, según el pensamiento judío, es un símbolo, que significa para la humanidad entera». Esta ponencia se centra en clarificar esta tesis de Levinas y en la universalidad de un sólo templo, que según su comentario al Rabbi Hayyin Volozhiner «es una réplica exacta del Templo celestial, el orden de la santidad absoluta» ; Universidad de Málaga. Campus de Excelencia Internacional Andalucía Tech.
Analyzing Delinquency among Kurdish Adolescents uses Hirschi's social bonding theory to examine the mediating effect of social bonding on delinquent behavior among Kurdish teenagers, who were used as a case study to test the usefulness of this theory. In this study, participants were selected from one Gülen movement affiliated school and one public or non-Gülen affiliated school. This study sheds light on Turkish society's chaotic conditions in southeastern Turkey, particularly with respect to Kurdish adolescents' involvement in the Kurdish Worker's Party (PKK). There is a lack of research regarding how Kurdish adolescents are involved in delinquent behavior as portrayed in popular Turkish media. Social bonding theory, developed and mainly tested in American and western European contexts, needs additional exploration of its efficiency in a nonwestern, especially Islamic, society. Thus, this book helps to better understand the factors that influence crime and delinquency in developing, culturally diverse social structures. Scholars in sociology, psychology, and criminology, as well as in the fields of political science, Middle Eastern studies, and education, will greatly benefit from this study. ; https://falconcommons.utpb.edu/utpb-facbooks/1003/thumbnail.jpg
By analysing the regulating mechanisms of state subsidies to Swedish institutions generally considered mediating "popular education" during the twentieth century, it is argued that a tension has been developed between two parallel notions of popular education. A narrower ideal popular education—emphasising non-formality and independence—has been discursively nurtured along with a broader organisational popular education, denoting the de facto institutions that have received government funding, primarily the folk high schools and study associations. It is argued that the organisational popular education is a reality in itself, spanning over border zones between, for example, non-formal and formal education. Furthermore, an argu- ment against using "popular education" as an analytical concept is put forth, since it is overly contested. Rather, it is promoted as a discursive construct that has for- med real organisational structures with their own logic, which cannot be denoted by words such as non-formal adult education. ; Folkbildningens finansiering 1872–1991: ekonomisk styrning, normer och praxis i spänningsfältet mellan offentlig och frivillig sektor
Since the early 1990s voters in Russia (and most of the other post-Soviet republics) have been offered the opportunity to vote 'against all' parties and candidates. Increasing numbers have done so. The evidence of two post-election surveys indicates that
Mercosur (Mercado Común del Sur, "Common Market of the South") is the fourth-largest trading bloc (following the European Union [EU], North American Free Trade Agreement [NAFTA], and Association of Southeast Asian Nations [ASEAN]), and home to a BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) member. As it enters its twenty-second year, we consider what best explains Mercosur's trajectory thus far, from promising start to recent stagnation. The common market project requires Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, and recent member Venezuela to integrate their markets and policies more deeply than would be required of a simple free trade area (FTA). Yet Mercosur lacks the binding supranational institutions an economic union would require. The four founding members sought regional integration that, according to the founding treaty, would yield greater economic development and competitiveness. Moreover, the newly democratized founding members also sought integration to consolidate their emerging open-economy democracies (Solingen 1998; Kaltenthaler and Mora 2002; Oelsner 2003).
The dissertation Compounds of Modernity aimed at moving beyond meta-narratives and theoretical frameworks of neoliberalism and globalization to analyze the contemporary gated communities and spaces of exclusion. Instead of analyzing enclaves as products of neoliberalism and global culture, the dissertation looks at them as "processes of urban explosion" embedded in the history of power and control. Building new housing settlements on the periphery is not anew. The state technocrats, architects, and urban planners had always used these projects as instruments towards controlling population, hygienic development, and citizen formation. By looking at how the design of these compounds had changed with time, I generate a set of narratives concerning power, spatial governance, dealing with hygiene as a thing to control, the othering of citizens, and modernizing the nation-state. The changing rhetoric and underlying logic to manipulate the erection of these new compounds reveals how the state categorizes its citizens and invents the "other." The construction of the "risk society" is a mere political and social construct in Egypt's modern history. In the countryside during late colonial Egypt and early post-colonial time (1940s and 1950s), the humans and non-humans were objects of governance and control in the architectures of Hassan Fathy (New Gourna Village) and Sayyid Karim (the Manor). The inferior fellah and dirty animal were the infectious species to produce national crises of malaria, typhoid, and Bilharzia. Modernizing species and standardizing the built environment was part of building the state and maintaining national order. Later in the early 1950s, a housing initiative called the "Cordon-and-resettling" led to walling out old unhygienic communities and relocating villagers to the modern "Village of Tomorrow," which included military training centers and new university villages. Under the social welfare state of Nasser, the housing mission in the city was to make new citizens, educate them through the state's secular curricula, alleviate social class antagonism, build the "happy family," and curb internal political struggles after the transition from monarchy to the Republic. The citizen and [his] experience was the main object of governance in the Villages of Tomorrow, such as Tahrir Province.In Cairo, a similar hygienic revolution occurred under the "Connect-fill-and-expand" housing initiative. One spatial outcome was the new compound on the periphery of Cairo, the "City of Tomorrow" experiment of Madinet Nasr or Nasr City (late 1950s and 1960s). In the new settlement of Nasr City, Sayyid Karim and Mohamed Riyad designed residential quarters, governmental buildings, Islamic university campus of Al-Azhar, wide roads for army parades and military zones were erected side by side. The notion of a "disciplined society" was emphasized through zoning and land use. A hierarchy of state institutions and power characterized Nasr City with high visibility. The production of a disciplined society was further emphasized with the state's full control over the construction of housing after the rent control law that discouraged private real-estate developers from building new housing. The centralization of housing led to controlling the means of modernizing space, housing, and society. With Infitah or the open door economy developed under Sadat in the 1970s till the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) of Mubarak in the 1990s, the object of governance and control became economic growth and desert land development. Technocrats experimented a set of new towns in the desert, which failed to attract population at the beginning until the erection of gated communities with new mechanisms and technologies of governance in the desert. Security and hygiene were used as underlying frameworks to attract residents as manifested in the gated community of "Al-Rehab City" in New Cairo. Using walls, gates, checkpoints, privatized security training, and the mapping of surveillance, together with private amenities and functioning infrastructure, gated communities started to attract residents. Turning those spaces into "zones of control" and surveillance became the new modern governing technology than simply enforcing citizens and disciplining them like the era of Nasser. The state security apparatus, however, still has its influence inside gated communities through partnerships and collaborations with the privatized security. The transformation of the society from a "disciplined society" in the Foucaultian sense to a "controlled society" in Nikolas Rose's sense is parallel to the change in political economy from social welfare to the free market mechanisms. The disciplined society depends on a central agency such as the panopticon to watch, monitor, and correct the behavior of citizens is fundamentally transformed into decentralized nucleated agencies (private sector) working laterally with the state to maintain order. The decentralization of security and non-hierarchical forms of domination characterizes the "controlled society" and housing projects that is made possible under the free market economy. The decentralization of the design process also takes place. Architects and urban planners of gated communities such as Mahmoud Yousry of Al-Rehab, design together with marketing sales team, Hisham Talaat (developer), and the security design element is covered by retired military generals. By understanding the interactions of local forces, spatial growth, how these spaces are realized in reality, and society construction through history, I theorize the contemporary gated communities moving beyond meta-narratives and grand theories of globalization.
En el presente artículo explico algunos cruces metodológicos que pueden establecerse entre la opción decolonial, la escuela de estudios de la subalternidad y los estudios poscoloniales. A su vez, resalto ciertas limitaciones que aquellas tres corrientes de pensamiento poseen al momento de realizar investigación etnográfica. Finalmente, propongo algunos criterios que pueden ayudarnos a investigar con un horizonte de interculturalidad extendida. ; In this paper I explain some methodological crosslinks between the decolonial option, subaltern studies and postcolonial studies. In addition, I highlight certains limitations they present in their ethnographic research. Finally, I suggest some guidelines that could help us carry out a research comprising an extended intercultural horizon.
En este trabajo voy a referirme al desarrollo de los estudios de posgrado que me permitieron obtener el título de Magister en Educación Corporal en la Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Para ello recuperaré el recorrido de esta experiencia y analizaré la construcción del proyecto de investigación, en cuanto a la elección del tema, metodología utilizada, objetivos propuestos, dificultades presentes, etc ; In this paper I will refer to the development of postgraduate studies that allowed me to get the title of Master of Education Body in the National University of La Plata. For this I'll get the path of this experience and discuss the construction of the research project, as to the choice of subject, methodology, objectives, present difficulties, etc. ; Fil: Di Domizio, Débora Paola. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (UNLP-CONICET); Argentina.
Defence date: 12 June 2015 ; Examining Board: Professor Kiran Klaus Patel, Maastricht University (external supervisor); Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (second reader); Professor Sven Beckert, Harvard University; Professor Gary Gerstle, University of Cambridge. ; How do non-governmental actors exert power beyond the confines of nation-states? Examining the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) and its network of European foreign policy elites, I argue that non-governmental actors developed transnational political agendas in part to counter the democratizing and social shifts of the early 20th century. Throughout the interwar period the CEIP emerged as a key participant in cultural internationalism by providing financial and logistical aid for transnational outreach. Well connected to social elites in several countries, the CEIP's emergence illustrates how internationalism was inexorably structured by economic, social and cultural capital. As formerly marginalized social groups—e.g. women, organized labor and ethnic minorities became more integrated into national decision-making processes, traditional elites began to erect new barriers around transnational spaces to preserve existing power structures. The project investigates how the CEIP fostered the construction, transformation and circulation of expertise among the technical experts. Starting in the mid-1920s, the foundation promoted networking between economists, international lawyers and other specialists who staffed foreign ministries and international organizations such as the League of Nations, the International Labor Organization and the Permanent Court of International Justice. The CEIP used these connections and the power of the purse to stimulate the development of professional communities with the ultimate goal of reaching policy consensus on the divisive issues of the time thus in effect promoting the development of alternative governance mechanisms. This attempt to construct a techncratic "international mind" faltered with the beginning of the Second World War. Yet, tracing the careers of CEIP-connected experts into the post-war planning projects, the thesis ultimately challenges "creationist" narratives of international financial, human rights and security regimes after 1945. Many of the international policies implemented in the second half of the 1940s did not represent a clean break with a failed past. They were legacies of an attempt to make the world safe for a return to the liberal capitalist order that had marked the long 19th century.
En este trabajo voy a referirme al desarrollo de los estudios de posgrado que me permitieron obtener el título de Magister en Educación Corporal en la Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Para ello recuperaré el recorrido de esta experiencia y analizaré la construcción del proyecto de investigación, en cuanto a la elección del tema, metodología utilizada, objetivos propuestos, dificultades presentes, etc ; In this paper I will refer to the development of postgraduate studies that allowed me to get the title of Master of Education Body in the National University of La Plata. For this I'll get the path of this experience and discuss the construction of the research project, as to the choice of subject, methodology, objectives, present difficulties, etc. ; Fil: Di Domizio, Débora Paola. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (UNLP-CONICET); Argentina.
En el presente artículo explico algunos cruces metodológicos que pueden establecerse entre la opción decolonial, la escuela de estudios de la subalternidad y los estudios poscoloniales. A su vez, resalto ciertas limitaciones que aquellas tres corrientes de pensamiento poseen al momento de realizar investigación etnográfica. Finalmente, propongo algunos criterios que pueden ayudarnos a investigar con un horizonte de interculturalidad extendida. ; In this paper I explain some methodological crosslinks between the decolonial option, subaltern studies and postcolonial studies. In addition, I highlight certains limitations they present in their ethnographic research. Finally, I suggest some guidelines that could help us carry out a research comprising an extended intercultural horizon.
The present paper relates perspectives around the discourse that about nature have been built, with special emphasis on the need to recognize it (nature) the category of subject, as opposed to the modern, industrial, post-industrial inheritance, which considers it to be a mere object, raw material, base input for the production system within the framework of the capitalist system ; El presente texto relacionan perspectivas en torno al discurso que sobre la Naturaleza se han construido, haciendo especial énfasis en la necesidad de reconocerle (a la naturaleza) la categoría de sujeto, en oposición a la herencia moderna, industrial, post industrial, que la considera un mero objeto, materia prima, insumo base para el sistema de producción en el marco del sistema capitalista.
In 1999 David Elstein delivered a lecture series examining the evolvement of UK Broadcasting policy from 1949 to 1999. His sharp analysis is a valuable contribution to the post-war development of the British broadcasting system and unfolds many topical issues in current media policy debates.
