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The guiding principle of peacemaking and peacebuilding over the past quarter century has been "liberal peace": the promotion of democracy, capitalism, law, and respect for human rights. These components represent a historic effort to prevent a reoccurrence of the nationalism, fascism, and economic collapse that led to the World Wars as well as many later conflicts. Ultimately, this strategy has been somewhat successful in reducing war between countries, but it has failed to produce legitimate and sustainable forms of peace at the domestic level. The goals of peacebuilding have changed over time and place, but they have always been built around compromise via processes of intervention aimed at supporting "progress" in conflict-affected countries. They have simultaneously promoted changes in the regional and global order. As Oliver P. Richmond argues in this book, the concept of peace has evolved continuously through several eras: from the imperial era, through the states-system, liberal, and current neoliberal eras of states and markets. It holds the prospect of developing further through the emerging "digital" era of transnational networks, new technologies, and heightened mobility. Yet, as recent studies have shown, only a minority of modern peace agreements survive for more than a few years and many peace agreements and peacebuilding missions have become intractable, blocked, or frozen. This casts a shadow on the legitimacy, stability, and effectiveness of the overall international peace architecture, reflecting significant problems in the evolution of an often violently contested international and domestic order. This book examines the development of the international peace architecture, a "grand design" comprising various subsequent attempts to develop a peaceful international order. Richmond examines six main theoretical-historical stages in this process often addressed through peacekeeping and international mediation, including the balance of power mechanism of the 19th Century, liberal internationalism after World War I, and the expansion of rights and decolonization after World War II. It also includes liberal peacebuilding after the end of the Cold War, neoliberal statebuilding during the 2000s, and an as yet unresolved current "digital" stage. They have produced a substantial, though fragile, international peace architecture. However, it is always entangled with, and hindered by, blockages and a more substantial counter-peace framework. The Grand Design provides a sweeping look at the troubled history of peace processes, peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding, and their effects on the evolution of international order. It also considers what the next stage may bring.

How do emerging donors conceptualize the relationship between security and development? How, and why, do the policies they pursue in conflict-affected states differ from the liberal peacebuilding model of traditional donors? Addressing these questions, the authors of The New Politics of Aid shed light on the increasingly complicated and complex donor landscape. Their work is an essential contribution to our understanding of both the changing dynamics of foreign aid and the processes of postconflict reconstruction and peacebuilding

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Preface -- Part I General Considerations -- 1 Introduction -- 2 A Normative Framework for Peacekeeping -- Part II The Holy Trinity -- 3 Consent -- 4 Impartiality -- 5 Minimum Use of Force (A): Resort to Force -- 6 Minimum Use of Force (B): Peacekeeper Violence -- Part III Protecting Civilians -- 7 Protection and Vulnerability -- 8 Protection of Civilians from Non-enemies: A Case Study of MONUC Support to Kimia II in the DRC -- 9 Protecting with Civilians -- 10 Conclusion -- Part IV Appendices -- A List of Acronyms -- B Interviews -- Bibliography -- Index

"A brilliant and visionary argument for America's role as an enforcer of peace and order throughout the world--and what is likely to happen if we withdraw and focus our attention inward. Recent years have brought deeply disturbing developments around the globe. American sentiment seems to be leaning increasingly toward withdrawal in the face of such disarray. In this powerful, urgent essay, Robert Kagan elucidates the reasons why American withdrawal would be the worst possible response, based as it is on a fundamental and dangerous misreading of the world. Like a jungle that keeps growing back after being cut down, the world has always been full of dangerous actors who, left unchecked, possess the desire and ability to make things worse. Kagan makes clear how the "realist" impulse to recognize our limitations and focus on our failures misunderstands the essential role America has played for decades in keeping the world's worst instability in check. A true realism, he argues, is based on the understanding that the historical norm has always been toward chaos--that the jungle will grow back, if we let it."--

"This book examines the position of women in formal peace making in the context of UNSC Resolution 1325. It asks if the resolution, passed seventeen years ago, has been consigned to the domain of rhetoric, or whether it still has practical significance."

The constitution of the state of Baden-Württemberg mentions 'love of peace' as an educational goal. What are the opportunities and limits of this ambitious goal? This volume looks at the normative foundations of 'love of peace' from a philosophical, political science and legal perspective. History-oriented contributions show the extent to which it is a civilizational achievement to regard 'love of peace' (and not 'love of war') as an educational goal. Its implementation within the current education system and its related challenges are the subject of contributions based on the theory and practice of pedagogy. Finally, it is necessary to identify the opportunities it offers and its requirements in order to promote 'love of peace' in education. The answers provided by this volume offer fundamental insights into peace education that go beyond the context of Baden-Württemberg alone.

This book takes a systematic and holistic approach to examining all 41 peacemaking initiatives used to settle the Cyprus question from 1955 onward under the auspices of the United Nations and/or other actors in the international system, including the United States, Canada, the UK, Greece and Turkey. The analysis of peacemaking strategies, dynamics and obstacles fleshes out numerous relationships between: (i)peacemaking processes, dynamics and outcomes, from signaling to negotiations and to post-accord completion and implementation; (ii)concessions, constraints and leverage during peacemaking negotiations and third party mediation; and (iii)obstacles to finding an endgame solution and satisfying conditions for lasting peace expectations that all parties can agree on and implement successfully.After documenting 62 interviews with top political leaders in Cyprus (including top tier elected elites and third party mediators) and about 70 more interviews with key informants (including academics, researchers, members of negotiating teams, technical committees and working groups), this book concludes with a plethora of descriptive, as well as prescriptive, propositions on how peacemaking processes could lead to more sustainable and implementable peacemaking initiatives in Cyprus and in similar protracted and seemingly intractable cases

This book examines the role of economic violence (violations of economic and social rights, corruption, and plunder of natural resources) within the transitional justice agenda. Because economic violence often leads to conflict, is perpetrated during conflict, and continues afterwards as a legacy of conflict, a greater focus on economic and social rights issues in the transitional justice context is critical. One might add that insofar as transitional justice is increasingly seen as an instrument of peacebuilding rather than a simple political transition, focus on economic violence as the crucial 'root cause' is key to preventing re-lapse into conflict. Recent increasing attention to economic issues by academics and truth commissions suggest this may be slowly changing, and that economic and social rights may represent the 'next frontier' of transitional justice concerns. There remain difficult questions that have yet to be worked out at the level of theory, policy, and practice. Further scholarship in this regard is both timely, and necessary. This volume therefore presents an opportunity to fill an important gap. The project will bring together new papers by recognized and emerging scholars and policy experts in the field.--Provided by publisher