Suchergebnisse

This country report analyses the border management and migration control policies of the Federal Republic of Germany in relation to the policies and regulations of the European Union. It outlines Germany's hegemonic position within the European Union regarding migration management and border policies. We argue that the securitized perspective on migration policies – including the externalization strategy prevalent in the EU – is to a substantial degree rooted in discourses, policies, legislation and practices of Germany closely interwoven with European policies. The hegemonic position of the Federal Republic of Germany has expressed itself in both the political developments since 2011 outlined in the report, and the increasingly restrictive German legislation on migration control. In several cases, German legislation has been transmitted to the European level. Furthermore, there is a dominant narrative by federal ministries conceptualizing border security as an essential part of an "integrated migration management approach". This perception has been strongly driven by the securitization of migration as response to migration movements to Europe, especially in the course of 2015 which were collectively perceived as a "refugee crisis". The notion of "integrated migration management" expresses a perceived need to regulate migration through the close cooperation of actors on different levels and in different policy fields (economic cooperation and development, internal security, integration, foreign policy, police cooperation with other national and EU-external border officers, data exchange, as well as return and reintegration policies). In addition, exceptional measures such as the reintroduction of national border controls were implemented. However, the report stresses that Germany's border management cannot be reduced to policies at its national borders. What is more relevant is the vast number of externalization measures, both within and beyond the European Union. Through bilateral and multilateral police agreements as well as migration/readmission agreements with Member States, countries of origin and transit countries, Germany has significantly advanced the European Union's externalization of migration management. The German police are also actively involved with FRONTEX, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency. In addition, the report outlines Germany's restrictive border policies in the fields of pre-entry and internal controls (such as visa policies, carrier sanctions and veil searches), as well as in the field of detention and return. We analyse how the national policies to enforce speedy procedures and swift returns leads to a rise of encampment, detention and readmissions; the effects of these policies can be seen in EU policies that also endanger legal safeguards.

German organizations are among the last Palestine solidarity groups in Europe to have embraced the call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS), launched in 2005. Pro-Israel German groups have been quick to respond with aggressive rhetoric equating a BDS-favorable stance with Nazism. The vilification of the movement has had the unintended consequence of inserting BDS into German politics, both at federal and local levels. Select case studies show that the BDS debate in Germany has developed somewhat differently than in other European countries, and that religious discourse is significant in shaping attitudes to Israel and Palestine. While the Palestine solidarity movement tends to single out the "Anti-Germans"—a pro-Israel formation that grew out of the Left after the reunification of Germany—as the major culprit, it is in fact conservative Christian, mostly Evangelical, organizations that are largely responsible for discouraging BDS activism.

With the aim of overcoming the disciplinary and national fragmentation that characterizes much research on nuclear energy, Engaging the Atom brings together specialists from a variety of fields to analyze comparative case studies across Europe and the United States. It explores evolving relationships between society and the nuclear sector from the origins of civilian nuclear power until the present, asking why nuclear energy has been more contentious in some countries than in others and why some countries have never gone nuclear, or have decided to phase out nuclear, while their neighbors have committed to the so-called nuclear renaissance. Contributors examine the challenges facing the nuclear sector in the context of aging reactor fleets, pressing climate urgency, and increasing competition from renewable energy sources. Written by leading academics in their respective disciplines, the nine chapters of Engaging the Atom place the evolution of nuclear energy within a broader set of national and international configurations, including its role within policies and markets.

Chapter 1: The political system of Germany: Analytical and historical foundations -- Chapter 2. The Basic Law: Constitutional foundations -- Chapter 3. The European Union: The supranational framework -- Chapter 4. The federal order -- Chapter 5. Elections and the electoral system -- Chapter 6. Political parties and the party system -- Chapter 7. Interest groups and the system of associations -- Chapter 8. The media and the media system -- Chapter 9. The German Bundestag: The legislature -- Chapter 10. The federal government and the federal president: The dual executive -- Chapter 11. The Bundesrat -- Chapter 12. The Federal Constitutional Court -- Chapter 13. The government systems of the German states -- Chapter 14. Politics and administration at the local level -- Chapter 15. A resilient democracy? The German political system under scrutiny.

Based on the German census of 1900, this article describes marriage patterns in Imperial Germany. The general marriage pattern did not markedly deviate from the "European" one. Nevertheless, the analysis uncovered interesting geographical variation. The male pattern presented differentiation between eastern and western Germany, with levels of male permanent celibacy being lower in the eastern parts of the Empire. However, the extent of female permanent celibacy was great, especially in Prussia. This is probably associated with a dearth of males at marriageable ages due to historical circumstances (migration and wars that decimated young males) in the 1860s and early 1870s.

Doing Humanities in Nineteenth-Century Germany', edited by Efraim Podoksik, is a collaborative project by leading scholars in German studies that examines the practices of theorising and researching in the humanities as pursued by German thinkers and scholars during the long nineteenth century, and the relevance of those practices for the humanities today.0Each chapter focuses on a particular branch of the humanities, such as philosophy, history, classical philology, theology, or history of art. The volume both offers a broad overview of the history of German humanities and examines an array of particular cases that illustrate their inner dilemmas, ranging from Ranke?s engagement with the world of poetry to Max Weber?s appropriation of the notion of causality

With unification of the two parts of Germany in 1990, the parties and other political institutions of West Germany were extended to the former German Democratic Republic. The Communists had ruled with the forced support of several satellite parties, called bloc parties. These possessed elements of affinity with the CDU/CSU and the FDP in West Germany, and merged with those two parties. In the elections of 1990, the CDU/CSU and FDP both benefited from these mergers; by 1994, the FDP had declined sharply in the East, while the CDU/CSU continued to prosper. The difference in the outcome of the party mergers stems from the differing organizational structures of the parties. The CDU/CSU was large, decentralized, relatively non-ideological and pragmatic in coping with the merger, while the FDP was small, elitist, centralized and ideological. It felt threatened by the size and outlook of its East German allies and preferred reduced electoral influence to the perceived threat to unity posed by its eastern organization.

This report explores how recent processes of immigration have changed discourses about "Europe" in Germany. It aims at a) capturing conflicting Europeanisation in the German context and to aid theory-construction by adding to a comparative picture, b) developing a perspective on the role of media in domestic audience-making in this context and c) understanding how the above impacts on different professional audiences, including the stakeholders assembled within the RESPOND project. The report is based on discourse and content analytical approaches, which are applied to small corpora of significant political speeches and media articles. In order to assess the repercussion on stakeholders, a content analysis of stakeholder interviews was performed with emphasis on their perspectives on Europeanization. Three main discursive lines can be distinguished: 1) The programmatic approach emphasises the EU as a historical peace project, highlights the moral obligation for Germany after World War II and promotes an emphatic idea of European solidarity as far as the distribution of refugees is concerned. 2) The utilitarian approach underlines the economic and political benefits of European collaboration. From this vantage point, a "fair" distribution of refugees based on the economic capacities of member states must be reached. 3) The technocratic approach takes a logistic stance on the institutional mechanisms of European collaboration and integration, e.g. by promoting an evolutionary understanding of Europeanisation as a result of aggregated bilateral cooperation. In this perspective, any decision at the EU level for refugee distribution should take into account the diversity of national interests and trajectories among member states.