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The social and political integration of Muslim immigrants into Western societies is among the most pressing problems of today. Research documents how immigrant communities are increasingly under pressure to assimilate to their "host" societies in the face of significant discrimination. In this article, we bring together two literatures—that on immigrants and that on social movement participation—to explore whether Muslim immigrants respond to their societal situation by engaging in collective political action. Although neither literature has given much attention to immigrant collective action, they do provide predictive leverage relative to the influence of grievances, efficacy, identity, emotions, and embeddedness in civil society networks. Our analyses are comprised of three separate but identical studies: a study of Turkish (N = 126) and Moroccan immigrants (N = 80) in the Netherlands and a study of Turkish immigrants (N = 100) in New York. Results suggest that social psychological mechanisms known to affect native citizens' collective action function similarly for immigrants to a great extent, although certain immigrant patterns are indeed unique.

В статье рассматривается взаимодействие работодателей и наемных работников Тюменской области, осуществляемое в соответствии с действующей нормативно-правовой базой, в частности обеспечивается законом «О регулировании трудовых и иных, непосредственно связанных с ними, отношений в Тюменской области». Основным механизмом регулирования социально-трудовых отношений является социальное партнерство, направленное на разрешение проблем, возникающих в социальной, экономической и политической жизни региона. Коллективные договора и соглашения выступают ведущим методом гармонизации интересов участников трудовых отношений.The law «On regulation of labour relations in Tyumen Region» passed by the Duma in June 2003 gave a new impulse to activation of relations system with harmonization of interests of executive power, employers, and trade unions. The social partnership is the most important mechanism for regulating labor relations. The social partnership solves the most urgent problems of the social, political and economic life of region. The agreement is concluded at the republican (General agreement), sectoral (tariff agreement) and local (collective agreements) levels. Predominantly the following issues are discussed in negotiating agreements.

The report considers how the state economic policy contributes to the national economic development in the midterm perspective. It analyzes main current economic problems of the Russian economy, i.e. low effectiveness of the social system, high dependence on export industries and natural resources, high monopolization and underdeveloped free market, as well as barriers that hinder non-recourse-based business development including high tax burden, skilled labor deficit and lack of investment capital. We propose a social-oriented market economy as the Russian economic model to achieve a sustainable economic growth in the long-term perspective. This model is based on people's prosperity and therefore expanding domestic demand that stimulates the growth of domestic non-resource-based sector which in turn can accelerate annual GDP growth rates to 10-12%. To realize this model "Delovaya Rossiya" proposes a program that consists of a number of directions and key groups of measures covering priority national projects, tax, fiscal, monetary, innovative-industrial, trade and social policies.

Money usury (called "costly credit") constituted one of the serious problems of the money market in the Second Republic of Poland (the name used for Poland in the period between the World Wars, i.e. in the years 1918-1939), especially in the early 20s. That economic and social phenomenon by some people was seen as exploitation of the weak by the strong, by others - as an effect of lacking stability on the credit market. In the opinion of the first group it should be fought in every judicial way available, while the second group didn't think that type of activity could have been successful in the situation of a permanent surplus of credit demand over its supply. Facing that situation, in 1924 - within the reforms stabilizing the state financial system - a money usury law was introduced indicating the permissible level of interest rates. The law had passed for the sake of both the economic - striving to lower the credit price as well as political and social reasons - the protection of the weaker social groups against usury practices.

The article provides the analysis of three handbooks for homosexuals (two for gays and one for lesbians). Its first part summarizes their contents which demonstrate that homosexual relations do not belong into one class of phenomena. The problems of homosexual women and men are distinctive enough to preclude their treatment either as one group or in opposition to heterosexual relations. The factor which distinguishes them is not sexual orientation but gender — its social construct. The second part of the article concerns the interpretation of homosexual relations in accordance with Pierre Bourdieu's theory of male domination. It is a principle which shapes social order. However, it is more than just a hegemony of men over women. It's victims are representatives of both sexes. Social models of masculinity and femininity are translated through the process of socialization and impact on both homosexual and heterosexual people. These models are the most intricate problem in the sphere of intimate relationships among gays and lesbians.

This article explores the use of focus groups as a method for investigating the construction of collective identity. Questions of collective identity are particularly pertinent to social movement theory and the methodologies developed by Touraine and Melucci for studying social movements are used as a starting point to inform the use of the focus group method.The research, conducted with members of the Women's Institute (WI), demonstrates how focus groups can be developed in a manner which overcomes the problems associated with Touraine and Melucci's methods. It involved rejecting generally held assumptions as to how this method should be used, and highlighting the crucial importance of analysing data generated by focus groups for both process and content. The article argues that the use of focus groups provides a robust and flexible method which possesses distinct characteristics that make it particularly suited to researching the construction of collective identity, and, consequently, for advancing the understanding of social movements.

Among the popular religions of Brazil, Candomblé, deriving from both West African tradition and from Iberian Baroque Catholicism, stands out as the religion of the body, its emotions and expressions. Practised with blood sacrifice, trance, music and dance, it imposes no code of ascetic conduct on its devotees, being different from other forms of religion, like Pentecostalism, which are also growing in the country. Candomblé is a festive religion, in which the notions of sin, guilt and expiation, as understood in western theology, play little or no role. Thus it has been viewed by many analysts as a religion of personal and social liberation. Yet, the recent growth of Candomblé, in all parts of Brazil and among people of all social origins, in keen competition with Pentecostalism, gives rise to some theoretical problems. The markedly concrete character of Candomblé, within a society increasingly dominated by economic and social abstraction, seems to be difficult to reconcile with a Marxist or Weberian inspired sociology of religion.

Until the early 1990s, Germany and the United States had similar systems of long-term care. At that time, Germany created a new social insurance program, whereas American reform efforts stalled. As conventional explanations of social policies—rooted in objective conditions, policy legacies, interest group mobilization, and party politics—fail to explain the diverging trajectories, the authors show how differing federal structures shaped reform efforts. German federalism gives states a strong voice and encourages collective responses to fiscal problems, enabling comprehensive restructuring of long-term care financing. In the United States, states lack a political mechanism to compel federal policy makers to tackle this subject. This analysis suggests reform of social welfare issues with weakly mobilized publics is unlikely without proxy actors that have institutional or political means to forcibly gain the attention of policy makers. In addition, scholars should pay more attention to "varieties of federalism" in analyses of the welfare state.

RESUMEN: Este texto da una mirada autocrítica desde la antropología a las políticas de exclusión de la tradición intelectual de Occidente y su marco social, político y económico, a los problemas de propiedad creados por estas políticas y, finalmente, a las posibles oportunidades de coarticular las ciencias oficiales y las ciencias del Otro. ; RÉSUMÉ: Ce texte porte un regard depuis l'anthropologie pour faire l'autocritique des politiques d'exclusion de la tradition intellectuelle d'occident et son cadre social, politique et économique, aussi q'aux problèmes de la propriété engendrés par ces politiques et finalement, on envisage des possibilités d'articulation entre les sciences officielles et celles de l 'Autre. ; ABSTRACT: This text gives an auto-critical look from anthropology to the exclusion policies and intellectual traditions in the West and its social, political and economical frame to the problems of private property created by these policies and, finally, to the potential opportunities to co articulate official sciences and the sciences otherness.

Анализируется одна из актуальных и наиболее острых проблем современного законодательства о социальном обеспечении проблема правовых коллизий. С позиций философии права и системного анализа правовая коллизия рассматривается как проблемное явление, нарушающее нормальное функционирование системы нормативных правовых актов в сфере социального обеспечения. Особое внимание уделено определению понятия правовой коллизии и отражению на основе анализа действующих нормативных правовых актов специфики детерминации этого явления, а также последствий его существования в законодательстве о социальном обеспечении. ; The article is devoted to analysis one of the most actual and pointed problems of contemporary legislation of social maintenance the problem of law conflicts. From position legal philosophy and system analysis the law conflict is considered to be a problem phenomenon breaking a normal function of legislation acts system in social maintenance sphere. Definition of the conflict of law is given special attention. Determination specificity of this is phenomenon based on analysis of law currently in force and consequences of its existence in legislation of social maintenance are also attended.

Debates on globalisation have become an important area within the social sciences. The purpose of this chapter is to extend this discussion to the study of ageing and in particular the field of critical gerontology. Some of the concerns here include issues around inequality and social divisions running through the life course. These are being changed and influenced in new ways by the political and economic changes associated with globalisation. The argument of the paper is that globalisation brings forth a new set of actors and institutions influencing the social construction of public policy for old age. Some of the themes covered in this paper include the rise of transnational bodies such as the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation, problems affecting people in the developing world, the acceleration of global migration in various forms, and changes in the nature of citizenship and citizen-rights. The chapter concludes by setting out the case for an 'age- sensitive' globalisation that can provide an effective challenge to new forms of inequality and exclusion.

The British National Health Service (NHS) was created shortly after the end of World War II and formally came into being on its "Appointed Day" in July 1948. The NHS has been seen as the crowning achievement of the postwar Labour government's "welfare state" by both the general public and academic commentators. As Rodney Lowe points out, by the late 1940s opinion polls showed it to be by far the best-received part of Labour's social policies; and in popular perceptions the terms "NHS" and "welfare state" were often viewed as synonymous. Lowe himself, while carefully noting the problems that attended the birth of the health service, nonetheless sees it as an "idealistic" institution and remarks that in no other Western country, not even social democratic Sweden, "were the whole population and the full range of medical need (Beveridge's principles of universalism and comprehensiveness) so quickly realized by afreeservice." Another respected commentator, Rudolf Klein, similarly highlights the exceptionally wide-ranging remit of the NHS, claiming it as a "unique experiment in social engineering."

The defeat of the SPD (Social Democratic Party) during the 1957 Bundestag elections triggered intense debate on the principles and policies of the SPD. This controversy came to a provisional end two years later in Bad Godesberg when Heinrich Deist, a social democrat and economist, proposed a compromise which would bridge the differences between marxist traditionalists and liberal reformists. The compromise foresaw the nationalization of the coal mining industry but, in turn called for the explicit renunciation of nationalization in all other sectors. However, with the onset of the Ruhr coal crisis in 1958, the problems were exacerbated by the friction which arose between coal miners and consumers, threatening the very fabric of social democracy. The outcome was not only the rejection of constructive coal mining policy for years to come but also a further weakening of the economics profile of the Godesberger Programm. This development, welcomed by policymakers, enabled the SPD to evolve into a successful catch-all-party under Willy Brandt's leadership during the 1960's. (Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte / FUB)

Although social scientists have sought to understand riots in terms of social structure, few causal explanations have withstood the tests of ongoing empirical examination. In America, presidential commissions sought to put the black urban riots of the mid‐sixties in a similar context. Despite the laudable attempts at deriving benign policy implications from such explanations, the commissions' explanations were no better than the social science of the time. Understanding the causal basis of riots has been elusive, but our understanding of riots as problems of crisis management has been far more reachable. A comparison of two Los Angeles riots, Watts 1965, and the Rodney King riots of 1992, shows that the intensity, spread and duration of the riots were a function of crisis paralysis. We might not know, in any scientific sense, what causes riots but we appear to know a great deal about the consequences of not appropriately preparing for or managing riots. These are the lessons of both Los Angeles riots.