Suchergebnisse

AbstractIn his response, Manjeet S. Pardesi argues that global international relations and relational scholarship rooted in global history can learn much from each other and must work together to overcome Eurocentrism while avoiding other forms of 'centrisms'. The second contribution by Zeynep Gülşah Çapan aims to underline three interrelated dynamics: space (global), time (history), and knowledge. In the third and final response, Musab Younis draws on Edward Said's critique of 'counter-conversion' to suggest how anticolonial and postcolonial thinkers sought to create oppositional forms of knowledge while remaining alert, in ways not always replicated in recent writing, to the dangers of nativism.

States have recently agreed that there is a responsibility to protect populations threatened by genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. The international community, however, often lacks the resources and willingness to carry out a key part of this responsibility, that is, to undertake humanitarian intervention effectively when required. One potential solution to this problem is to outsource intervention to private military and security companies. In this article, I consider this option. In particular, I present a largely consequentialist argument which asserts that, when two conditions are met, using these companies to bolster the capacity to undertake humanitarian intervention might be morally justifiable overall.

Pew Research Center polls in 1989, 1996, 1998, 2000, and 2002 show that Americans pay more attention to media accounts of nonpolitical stories than those about national, international, and local politics. Although Americans' attentiveness to political news rose between 2000 and 2002, attention to media accounts of politics remained below where it had been in 1989. For the most part, the relative rankings of attentiveness to different kinds of news stories remained the same. The authors also explore the factors that predict attention to political news.Finally,heed paid to media stories about politics appears to affect two important facets of democratic citizenship: political knowledge and participation.

Abstract
State practice and international legal scholarship have paid detailed attention to the question of how international law can be applied to cyberspace. More specifically, it is the regulation of low-intensity cyber operations under the principle of state sovereignty and in particular the principle vs. rule debate that have been addressed in depth. In contrast, discussions around the principle of non-intervention have not received the same amount of attention from states, and scholarly debates on reinterpreting applicable thresholds have not been mirrored in state statements. This article examines how the discussion on each principle's application to cyberspace is approached in scholarship and state statements. It compares and contrasts the two approaches and sets out the implications that follow from such approaches, emphasising why Nordic countries should have a particular interest in advancing the discussions on non-intervention thresholds further and how they can bring them out of the shadow of the sovereignty debate.

The study of law as a social process should combine an analysis of structures from a political economy perspective with a sociological focus on the practices of lawyering in mediating social relations and conflicts through the formulation and interpretation of legal texts. This approach is applied here to software, which has become the oxygen of the world economy, powering the digitalisation that has transformed economic activities and social life. The forms this has taken have been moulded by lawyers, battling over intellectual property rights in computer programs, enshrining them in national law and international standards, as well as devising the international tax avoidance strategies that have helped propel the giant digital-tech transnational corporations to global dominance. These contests have taken place through processes of formulation and interpretation of the legal concepts that both reflect and shape social struggles over economic and political power, mediated by law, in contemporary corporate capitalism.

Individuals formerly involved in armed groups are positioned in the victim–perpetrator binary by legal systems and societies. Media participates in this process and influences the relationship between law and society by reproducing or challenging legal and social designations. We assess the relationship between the International Criminal Court's (ICC) prosecution of Dominic Ongwen, a former child soldier in Uganda's Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), and media representations of Ongwen. We conduct a content analysis of 779 Ugandan, African, and international newspapers' English-language articles published between January 2005 and October 2022. We find that media coverage focuses on Ongwen's adult roles in the group, including as an LRA leader, largely reproducing the ICC's portrayal of the accused. A minority of articles acknowledge a more complex status and increase in frequency once Ongwen's ICC trial is underway. An important faction challenges the ICC's narrative, with non-Africa-based media presenting a more complex depiction of Ongwen.

Abstract
Climate change is one of the most important issues of our time. However, its diffuse and complex nature makes it difficult to find global and effective solutions, as these require multi-scale contributions. Although the international climate regime primarily involves states, actors from other levels of government also have active international climate agendas. This is certainly true of several Canadian provinces. The objective of this study is to provide a comprehensive portrait of the paradiplomatic actions that Canadian provinces have undertaken around climate change. The comparative analysis presented here is based on a conceptual framework that distinguishes three types of paradiplomatic instruments: institutionalization, the use of intra-state routes, and the use of extra-state routes. Our analysis shows that Canadian provinces pursue similar paradiplomatic strategies, but that their intensity and sustainability vary widely according to the availability of economic and human resources, as well as political will.

The research paper entitled "Micro Small and Medium Enterprises, Multilateral Enterprises, Foreign Direct Investment and Financing for Achieving Sustainable Development Goals and the United Nations 2030 Agenda" reflects the global issues pertaining to the role of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs), Multilateral Enterprises, Foreign Direct Investment policies and financing for achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the United Nations 2030 Agenda. It dwells into the study of various macro issues and aspects such as relevance, role and contribution of MSMEs to the global economies and the SDGs, background and definition of MSMEs, inter-linkages between the MSMEs and the SDGs, Multilateral Enterprises and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), FDI Policies for Improving the Sustainable Development Impacts of Investment, need of international and national actions to scale up SDG financing, need for scaling up investment in the SDGs and climate action, enhancing international financial architecture.

The mechanism of transitional justice is categorized into formal and informal mechanisms. Formal mechanisms are generally understood as mechanisms implemented by state institutions or international bodies, usually using procedural justice and accountability standards. In contrast, informal mechanisms are not required to meet these standards and are carried out by a non-government or non-international body. In many transition countries, the informal mechanism is often only used as a complementary (not a primary) mechanism to the formal one. This study discusses the role of the informal mechanism initiated by the solidarity of victims of human rights violations (non-government organization) of Central Sulawesi, which succeeded in realizing restorative justice related to the 1965-1966 events in Palu. This research uses a qualitative case study method. This study found that informal mechanisms can play a primary role (not just complementary to formal mechanisms) in realizing restorative justice through truth-seeking, grassroots reconciliation, apology, forgiveness, and victim reparations.

ABSTRACT
Since 2017, World Trade Organization members have been engaged in Structured Discussions aimed at agreeing on a multilateral framework on investment facilitation for development. The negotiations focus on establishing binding disciplines for investment facilitation, which will likely be made subject to the World Trade Organization Dispute Settlement Understanding. Investment facilitation, however, is that something states already do. Over the past decade, states have adopted record numbers of reforms at the domestic, regional, and international levels to facilitate foreign investment. These reforms show no signs of slowing. This begs an important question regarding the World Trade Organization initiative: given all the attention that investment facilitation already receives from states and international organizations, how, if at all, would the conclusion of a World Trade Organization Framework bring added value to states, i.e. value that cannot be achieved by ongoing efforts? Examining this question is the focus of this paper.

This article considers the ways in which geo-political and legal concerns materialised in debates over self-determination in the years following decolonisation, and how they impacted on its' possibilities, objectives and conception. During this period, self-determination was not, as some scholars have argued, a declining norm, but one central to the competing visions of reinventing international law after empire. These varying articulations were largely shaped by the experience of colonialism and its ongoing effects, along with the ideological confrontation between East-West and North-South. One articulation stressed the primacy of political and economic sovereignty, prominently seen in calls for the establishment of a New International Economic Order. The other sought to integrate self-determination into the elevation of democratic governance and individual human rights protection. Examining these alternative formulations of self-determination, underlines the incompleteness of mainstream historical accounts, and may throw light upon continuing anxieties over its current legal status.

Despite being one of Asia's major economies with a population of over 23 million, Taiwan has been mostly excluded from the World Health Assembly/World Health Organization (wha/who) since 1972, due to China's objection. While this has not stopped Taiwan from developing a comprehensive healthcare system and being an active member of international health community, the lack of membership in the world's leading health authority undermines global health and presents perverse, and yet often neglected, inequality faced by Taiwanese people. This article aims to provide contextual information concerning the impacts of Taiwan's exclusion from wha/who by: (1) enumerating health-related areas where Taiwan has rich knowledge and experiences that would have been cascaded much more widely and efficiently to those in need around the world had it been allowed to participate; and (2) highlighting difficulties faced by Taiwanese people and potential threats to international health arising from the exclusion.

The debate on the UK leaving the European Union is still hot and ongoing today due to many economic, political, social, and other consequences on many different countries over the world. This paper focuses on the reactions of selected Central and Eastern European (CEE) and South and Eastern European (SEE) stock markets to the Brexit vote on 23 June 2016. Using daily data for the time span from January 2010 until July 2016 and the event study methodology (ESM), the return and volatility series are being tested for significant reactions to the Brexit event. The results indicate mixed results regarding the abnormal cumulative return series, but the volatility series were found to be significantly affected by the mentioned event. This is important for international investors and gives information on the reaction of mentioned markets to big political and economic events in order to tailor international portfolios in a way to hedge from risk.