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In the mid-1990s, at the height of discussion about the inevitability of capitalist globalization, J.K. Gibson-Graham presented a groundbreaking argument for envisioning alternative economies. This new edition includes an introduction in which the authors address critical responses to The End of Capitalism and outline the economic research and activism they have been engaged in since the book was first published.

Drawing data from multiple sources, Un argues that following the 1993 United Nations intervention to promote democracy, the Cambodian People's Party (CPP) perpetuated a patronage state weak in administrative capacity but strong in coercive capacity. This enabled them to maintain the presence of electoral authoritarianism, but increased political awareness among the public, the rise in political activism among community-based organizations and a united opposition led to the emergence of a counter-movement. Sensing that this counter-movement might be unstoppable, the CPP has returned Cambodia to authoritarianism, a move made possible in part by China's pivot to Cambodia.

When women picketed the White House demanding the vote on January 10, 1917, they broke new ground in political activism. Demanding that they President influence Congress, they petitioned the President and Congress and marched in the streets in the nation's first ever coast-to-coast campaign for political rights. Women were imprisoned for peaceful protest, went on hunger strikes and were beaten and tortured by authorities. But they won the 19th Amendment, ensuring that the right to vote cannot be denied because of gender. Their successful nonviolent civil rights campaign established a precedent

Civil disobedience is a form of protest with a special standing with regards to the law that sets it apart from political violence. Such principled law-breaking has been witnessed in recent years over climate change, economic strife, and the treatment of animals. Civil disobedience is examined here in the context of contemporary political activism, in the light of classic accounts by Thoreau, Tolstoy, and Gandhi to call for a broader attitude towards what civil disobedience involves. The question of violence is discussed, arguing that civil disobedience need only be aspirationally non-violent

The wave of anti-authoritarian political activity associated with the term "1968" can by no means be confined under the rubric of "protest," understood narrowly in terms of street marches and other reactions to state initiatives. Indeed, the actions generated in response to "1968" frequently involved attempts to elaborate resistance within the realm of culture generally, and in the arts in particular. This blurring of the boundary between art and politics was a characteristic development of the political activism of the postwar period. This volume brings together a group of essays concerned wi

In this article, we confront the thought of Georges Canguilhem (1904-1995) with the biopolitical problem of disabilities. Disability is an emerging field of political activism and research, embodied respectively in the Disability Right Movement and the Disability Studies. In this field, there are two rivals competing models of analysis: the biomedical model and the social model. It is shown that the work of Canguilhem provides conceptual tools to overcome this dichotomy. The demonstration presented takes into account changes in the intellectual history of the French philosopher, and is divided into three stages: epistemological, ontological and ethical-political

The work of artist and former East L.A. gang member Fabian Debora highlights the religiosity of Los Angeles' myriad immigrant communities. Debora paints within the Chicano tradition but, like many young contemporary Chicano artists, looks beyond the movement's historic focus on political activism and Chicano identity. Debora draws inspiration from his immigrant-rich Boyle Heights neighborhood, where religious institutions such as Debora's Delores Mission Catholic parish form part of an immense citywide immigrant religious infrastructure. Debora's work suggests that L.A.'s current role as America's immigration capital has spiritual as well as cultural and political ramifications.

A New Historiography of the CollaborationIn this issue, four young historians present the results of their original research on National-Socialist collaboration during the German occupation of the Netherlands and Belgium. The authors take issue with some of the more traditional representations in the historiography of the collaboration and collaborators as moral, political and criminal deviationists per se. They analyze the motives of the Dutch and Belgian National Socialists, the dynamics of their political activism, and the interaction with their social environments. This article is part of the special issue 'A New Historiography of the Collaboration'.

In that paper we propose a gendered approach to social movements and political activism, based on a critical review of the litterature in French and English. In social movements and militantism studies, gender lines of division are most of the time ignored. Social movements are perceived as being « gender neutral ». However, that dimension is a determinant factor of collective action at the macro level of political opportunities and contexts, at the meso level of organisations and their modes of functionning, at the micro level of the logics of individual commitment and the division of militant labor.

AbstractSurviving the inevitable process of innovation, critique and response that accompanies conceptual invention, feminist criminology is now a rich and diverse field of scholarship and political activism. This article follows the main threads of feminist criminological thought (empirical, standpoint and post‐modern), outlining the tensions and connections between each. I then consider the political ground gained and lost by feminist criminologists, paying careful attention to the ways in which feminist ideas have been co‐opted by governing authorities and also considering the current climate of backlash against feminist ideas in both criminal justice policy and the academy.

A conceptual distinction between "autonomy" & "sovereignty" is applied to demonstrate that highly autonomous & nationally inspired ethnopolitical communities need not invariably attempt to achieve control over the state & its legitimate political institutions. The proposition is applied to the corporate life of Canadian Jewry in accounting for the interdynamics of its ethnic & national allegiances. Information from recent community studies conducted in Canada is adduced in illustrating the evolution of Canada's Jewry from traditionalism to modernism, manifest in the fusion between the federal principle of limited government & that of nationally inspired political activism, ethnic cohesion, & organizational completeness. AA

AbstractCreative activism and urban art are increasingly being used as an instrument to collectively re‐appropriate the urban space and thus articulate urban belonging and citizenship from below. In cities worldwide, where different politics of place stimulate capitalist appropriation, individuals and groups use the public space as a laboratory for resistance, creative act, and as a medium for communication. As such, creative activism is a strategy for those who are widely excluded from social, political, cultural, and economic participation. Collectives are built through joint actions and experiences that are translated into the production situated forms of urban belonging. By drawing on space sensitive and situationist approaches and the power of creativity as an important moment in the analysis of action, the paper provides examples of how collective action and belonging is produced under conditions of contentious politics and exclusion that go beyond social norms, the social containment of institutions, and imposed collective identities.

hiv -positive Black women's activism has been understudied, and input from the community in crisis has infrequently been deemed as valuable to public health officials in hiv/aids prevention and interventions. Through the narratives of thirty hiv -positive Floridian Black women, there were three emergent themes of political participation: 1) face-to-face activism 2) activist mothering, and 3) publically coming out as women living with hiv/aids . Results indicate that publically coming out as women living with hiv/aids may be a new activist strategy that can be added to the literature on Black women's community-based political participation.

Since the emergence of trans-activism in Barcelona (pioneer in the Spanish context) in 1970, identity categories to refer to people who do not identify with the socially-assigned gender identity have experienced a major transformation. In this article, we analyse the evolution of identity categories related to gender diversity from 1978 to 2010 in order to recover the history of trans-activism and explore its specificities with regard to the hegemonic logic in other western countries. In the period analysed, five associations were identified and studied, revealing a trend that predominantly conceives identity categories in a fluid manner, contrary to the main trans-activism in western countries, which reinforced the medical category 'transsexual' in opposition to those of 'homosexual' and 'transvestite'. Moreover, in this period, a profound change can be observed in the political subject (from trans-women working in sex work to middle-class trans-boys), as well as a transformation of alliances: from the rejection of trans-associations by gay and lesbian associations to the subsequent coalition and progressive rapprochement towards feminism.

This research studies the activist audiovisual of social and political intervention field, deepening the emergence of video activism 2.0. We refer to a number of alternative and political audiovisual works, of denunciation and resistance, leveraging the accessibility, ease, immediacy and versatility offered by current technologies (audiovisual, computers, telematics and communication) and new global digital scenarios of the web 2.0. Performances where the old and the new, the past and the present, clearly converge. For the purposes of accounting for our research objective, we proceeded to conduct a theoretical and descriptive study. We did a systematization of research on audiovisual activism. Here we identify goals, tactics and strategies to characterize and differentiate them according to their experimental, aesthetic, critical and political aspects. The study results allowed us to elucidate what is old in the new and what is new in the new, that is, specify the characteristics and specificities of current audiovisual works and their similarities and differences about their background. ; El presente artículo busca caracterizar el campo del audiovisual activista de intervención social y política, y en particular las actuales prácticas de activismo audiovisual 2.0. Nos referimos a una serie de prácticas audiovisuales alternativas, políticas, de denuncia y resistencia, que aprovechan ahora la accesibilidad, facilidad, inmediatez y versatilidad que ofrecen las tecnologías actuales (audiovisuales, informáticas, telemáticas y comunicacionales) y los nuevos escenarios digitales globales de la web 2.0 para desplegar su capacidad de acción e intervención (tecno)política. Prácticas en donde lo viejo y lo nuevo, el pasado y el presente, claramente convergen. Metodológicamente se procedió a la realización de un estudio teórico y descriptivo, con el objetivo de analizar estas prácticas, para entender cuáles son sus características y especificidades (experimentales, estéticas, críticas, narrativas, tecnológicas y políticas), cuáles sus potencialidades y posibilidades de intervención social y política, sus desarrollos actuales y sus similitudes y diferencias respecto de sus antecedentes.