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Intro -- Dedication -- Preface -- 1. Murder in London -- 2. The Last Pope King -- 3. Enter the Black Nobles -- 4. "Merely a Palace, Not a State" -- 5. An Unholy Alliance -- 6. "The Pope Banker" -- 7. Prelude to War -- 8. A Policy of Silence -- 9. The Blacklist -- 10. Blood Money -- 11. A Nazi Spy in the Vatican? -- 12. The Ratline -- 13. "He's No Pope" -- 14. The Men of Confidence -- 15. "You Can't Run the Church on Hail Marys" -- 16. Operation Fraulein -- 17. 'Il Crack Sindona' -- 18. The Battle of Two Scorpions -- 19. "A Psychopathic Paranoid" -- 20. The Year of Three Popes -- 21. The Backdoor Deal -- 22. "The Vatican Has Abandoned Me" -- 23. "You Have to Kill the Pope" -- 24. "Tell Your Father to Be Quiet" -- 25. "Protect the Source" -- 26. "A Heck of a Lot of Money" -- 27. "I've Been Poisoned" -- 28. White Finance -- 29. Suitcases of Cash -- 30. Burying the Trail on Nazi Gold -- 31. "A Criminal Underground in the Priesthood" -- 32. "His Inbox Was a Disaster" -- 33. The Kingmaker Becomes King -- 34. "As Flat as Stale Beer" -- 35. Chasing the White List -- 36. The World Has Changed -- 37. The Powerbroker -- 38. The Butler -- 39. A Vote of No Confidence -- 40. "A Time Bomb" -- 41. The Swiss James Bond -- 42. "The People's Pope" -- 43. "Back from the Dead" -- Photographs -- Acknowledgments -- About Gerald Posner -- Bibliography -- Notes -- Index -- Illustration Credits -- Copyright.

The article is devoted to the trends of memorializing in monumental forms the memory of heroes and victims of the Civil war in the cities of Siberia on the examples of Past and Present. The subjects of memory politics, who were behind the memorializing processes in this area at different stages of history, are revealed. The political meanings reflected in memorializing acts and discussions connected to them are explicated. There is proposed the periodization of the processes of memorializing victims and heroes of the Civil war in Siberia.

This article argues that a new popular social history, the 'history of everyday life', emerged in England after the First World War. Couched in the rhetoric of 'democratization', this version of social history was an afterlife of the Arts and Crafts movement and is the prehistory of post-1945 mass history teaching and popular heritage tourism techniques. However, it occupies an ambiguous historiographical position between the decline of Victorian romantic and Whiggish histories, and the rise of 'history from below' in the 1960s. Therefore, the 'history of everyday life' has hitherto been poorly conceptualized. This article unpacks this new social history using the life and work of Charles Henry Bourne Quennell (1872–1935) and his wife Marjorie Quennell (1883–1972). The Quennells were the authors and illustrators of a four-volume series of interwar bestsellers called A History of Everyday Things in England, which remained in print until the late 1960s. Through an examination of the intellectual influences, networks of socialization, and practical activities surrounding these books and their authors, a significant but under-examined window into the history of British social history is revealed.

"For the first time, Early Modern Streets unites the diverse strands of scholarship on urban streets between circa 1450 and 1800 and tackles key questions on how early modern urban society was shaped and how this changed over time. Accompanied by over 50 illustrations, Early Modern Streets is the perfect resource for all students and scholars interested in urban life in early modern Europe"--

This spotlight issue encourages reflection on the current COVID-19 pandemic, not simply through comparisons with previous epidemics, but also by illustrating that epidemics deserve study within their broader cultural, political, scientific, and geographic contexts. Epidemics are not solely a function of pathogens; they are also a function of how society is structured, how political power is wielded in the name of public health, how quantitative data is collected, how diseases are categorised and modelled, and how histories of disease are narrated. Each of these activities has its own history. As historians of science and medicine have long pointed out, even the most basic methodologies that underpin scientific research—observation, trust in numbers, the use of models, even the experimental method itself—have a history. They should not be taken as a given, but understood as processes, or even strategies, that were negotiated, argued for and against, and developed within particular historical contexts and explanatory schemes. Knowing the history of something—whether of numbers, narratives, or disease—enables us to see a broader range of trajectories available to us. These varied histories also remind us that we are currently in the midst of a chaotic drama of uncertainty, within our own unstable and unfolding narrative.

This spotlight issue encourages reflection on the current COVID-19 pandemic not simply through comparisons with previous epidemics, but also by illustrating that epidemics deserve study within their broader cultural, political, scientific, and geographic contexts. Epidemics are not solely a function of pathogens; they are also a function of how society is structured, how political power is wielded in the name of public health, how quantitative data is collected, how diseases are categorised and modelled, and how histories of disease are narrated. Each of these activities has its own history. As historians of science and medicine have long pointed out, even the most basic methodologies that underpin scientific research – observation, trust in numbers, the use of models, even the experimental method itself – have a history. They should not be taken as a given, but understood as processes, or even strategies, that were negotiated, argued for and against, and developed within particular historical contexts and explanatory schemes. Knowing the history of something – whether of numbers, narratives, or disease – enables us to see a broader range of trajectories available to us. These varied histories also remind us that we are currently in the midst of a chaotic drama of uncertainty, within our own unstable and unfolding narrative.

Hongsa Chanthavong was born on October 1, 1934, in Laos to Laotian parents who were born in the early 1900s. Because he comes from Laos, he self-identifies as Lao. Chanthavong attended school in Laos, in Vientiane, until coming to the United States in 1959 to study at the University of Miami. He came by himself to study in the School of Government of Political Science on a scholarship granted by the U.S. government. After his graduation in 1964, he began working for the State Department as an escort interpreter, but after three months, he returned to Laos. There, he worked for the government when in 1975 he was captured by communists and came as a refugee to the United States in 1983 with his wife and children. He began his career at IRCO in 1984 as a business specialist with the Economic Development Project. He moved from that position to resource specialist to director of the International Language Bank, and then he set up the Asian Family Center, becoming the center coordinator in 1994. He now works as the community organizer of the Diversity and Civic Leadership Project and as a business development specialist.