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This work provides an overview of the debates about Romanticism, as reflected in journals published in Moscow between 1824, the date of the publication of the journal of future Decembrists Mnémozyne, and 1834, when was banned N. Polevoi's Telegraf and was published in the supplement of N. Nadejdine's Teleskop, the famous article written by V. Belinski, "literaturnye mectanija." The first part shows that beyond the differences, all the writers of the early nineteenth century were united by a common goal, create the appearance of Russian literature at both national and 'modern' c 'ie European. Russian critics show methodically aesthetic theories of European romantic, especially the Jena school : Schiller, F. and A. Schlegel, Tieck and Wackenroder. With an appeal to German philosophy, especially the objective idealism of Schelling, the Moscow Romantic manage to give a philosophical basis for their aesthetic, and thus to justify the existence of a literary critic. It also examines the contextual differences between the French and Russian romanticism: French romanticism is more social and political, national and philosophical. Rejection of most excessive romanticism by Nadejdine, is done in the name of morality, even of propriety, while for Polevoi, the truth is still legal if it is well intentioned. Finally, the future great critic V. Belinski introduced the idea of dialectical struggle between good and evil, with the corollary of the necessity of the existence of evil, for the existence of good. Dialectics is one of the main contributions of German philosophy in aesthetic theory. It allows to consider the synthesis of classicism and romanticism, which are no longer considered as two antagonistic movements, but as two phases of the development of art. Meanwhile, Hegel develops a new philosophy of history. All this will allow the emergence of a critique based on historical method, where the writers are no longer considered independently of each other, but in relation to each other. Nadejdine concludes that the time has come for a truly national art, based on the synthesis of classicism and romanticism. In the second part of our thesis, entitled "Building a national literature", the question of romanticism is reconsidered in the light of the narodnost. The debate on imitation has shown that Russian romanticism is not homogeneous, but has two trends, one of which focuses on modernity and the spirit of the age, while the other considers Romanticism as release, and emphasizes the assertion of national spirit and genuine artist expression. After 1830, the Moscow critics accept and assume the difference with Europe. The debate focuses on the concept of narodnost ', and it appears that the national character is not in the external form of the work, but in the eyes of the poet, the poet himself, which leads to recognition of Pushkin as a national poet. Then the critical gradually begins to seek national character not in the Russian poet, but in Russian life, what appears to be a decisive step towards realism. This raises the question of national hero. In the thirties, national character is searched in the representation of Russian history. In addition, whereas the lyrical forms no longer meet modern requirements, or the expression of national identity, critics seek a new literary genre, adapted to the expression of the Russian character. Shakespeare's romantic drama appears to be the most suitable. However, the publication of Pushkin's drama Poltava in 1829 was not so well received. Critics consider that Pushkin was not free from the influence of Byron. But history should not be the only source of inspiration. Present in Russia is no less authentically Russian than its past. The people, unlike the educated society, has been preserved from European influences. That will be the "real" criticism and Russian realism of the second half of the nineteenth century. The third part examines, through theoretical debates and controversy, the birth of a Russian literary criticism. The first chapter traces the evolution of literary life in Moscow and describes the magazines war, culminating in 1829. But after 1830, gradually, with the decline of the aristocracy which causes the end of patronage, the beginning of the industrial era, a modern magazine, to be profitable, must go into the sense of public taste, it must be attractive, it must inform, be open to European cultures. Literary criticism has a decisive role in the magazines of the thirties, and it becomes necessary for it to redefine its tools and criteria. Then the controversy is studied in a new light, that of the "plebeians" (M. Pogodine, N. Polevoi) opposed to aristocrats (P. Viazemski, V. Odoevski, I. Kireevski), and ends with the opposition Moscow / Saint Petersburg. The last chapter is devoted to the emerging critical method. This is based on the philosophy of German idealism, subjective and objective. According to the method of European Romantic critics, the work must not be considered independently of the author. You must take into account the man, his character and his life. This is the method advocated by N. Polevoi. Nadejdine refuses this biographical method. He focuses exclusively on the work and its national character, that is judged by comparing it to reality. The role of the critic is to compare the work with the reality. The work is considered as a document on life and a testimony to the reality. The critic is tempted to give its opinion on the Russian society and the meaning of Russian history, especially since the political conditions and the state censorship leave no place for independent journalism opinion. The critical work becomes an excuse to build its own representation of the Russian reality. Critical article tends to become a literary essay. ; Cet ouvrage dresse un état des lieux des débats autour du romantisme, tels qu'ils se reflètent dans les revues publiées à Moscou, entre 1824, date de la parution de la revue des futurs décembristes Mnémozyne, et 1834, date de l'interdiction du Telegraf de N. Polevoï et de la publication, dans le supplément du Teleskop de N. Nadejdine, du célèbre article de V. Belinski, " Les rêveries littéraires ". La première partie montre qu'au-delà des divergences, tous les hommes de lettres du début du XIXe siècle étaient réunis par un même objectif, susciter l'apparition d'une littérature russe à la fois nationale, et " moderne ", c'est à dire européenne. Les critiques russes reprennent méthodiquement les théories esthétiques des romantiques européens, en particulier de l'école d'Iéna: Schiller, F. et A. Schlegel, Tieck et Wackenroder . Grâce à un recours à la philosophie allemande, et particulièrement à l'idéalisme objectif de Schelling, les romantiques moscovites parviennent à donner un fondement philosophique à leur esthétique, et ainsi à justifier l'existence d'une critique littéraire. On examine également les différences contextuelles entre le romantisme français et le romantisme russe: le romantisme français est plus social et politique, que national et philosophique. Le rejet par Nadejdine du romantisme dans ce qu'il a de plus excessif, se fait au nom de la morale, voire même des convenances, tandis que pour Polevoï, la vérité est toujours morale si elle est bien intentionnée. Enfin, le futur grand critique V. Belinski introduit l'idée dialectique de la lutte entre le bien et le mal, qui a pour corollaire celle de la nécessité de l'existence du mal, pour l'existence du bien. La dialectique est un des apports essentiels de la philosophie allemande à la théorie esthétique. C'est d'elle que découle la théorie des moments de l'art. Elle permet aux critiques d'envisager la synthèse du classicisme et du romantisme, qui ne sont plus considérés comme deux mouvements antagonistes, mais comme deux phases du développement de l'art. Parallèlement, Hegel développe une nouvelle philosophie de l'histoire. Tout cela va permettre l'émergence d'une critique fondée sur la méthode historique, où les écrivains ne sont plus considérés indépendamment les uns des autres, mais en relation les uns par rapport aux autres. Nadejdine conclut que le temps est venu, pour l'humanité civilisée, d'un art nouveau, authentiquement national, s'appuyant sur la synthèse du classicisme et du romantisme. Dans la seconde partie de notre thèse, intitulée " Construire une littérature nationale ", on reconsidère la question du romantisme sous l'angle de la narodnost'. Le débat sur l'imitation a montré que le romantisme russe n'est pas homogène, mais présente deux tendances, dont l'une met l'accent sur la modernité et l'esprit du siècle, tandis que l'autre considère le romantisme comme une libération, et insiste sur l'affirmation de l'esprit national, et l'expression sincère et authentique de l'artiste. À partir des années trente, les critiques moscovites acceptent et assument la différence avec l'Europe. Le débat se porte sur la notion de narodnost', et il apparaît que le caractère national n'est pas dans la forme extérieure de l'œuvre, mais dans le regard du poète, dans le poète lui-même, ce qui amène à la reconnaissance de Pouchkine comme poète national . Puis la critique peu à peu se met à chercher le caractère national non plus dans le Poète russe, mais dans la vie russe, ce qui apparaît comme un pas décisif vers le réalisme. Ainsi se pose la question du héros national. Dans les années trente, on recherche le caractère national dans la représentation de l'histoire russe. En outre, considérant que les formes lyriques ne correspondent plus aux exigences de la modernité, ni à l'expression de l'identité nationale, les critiques cherchent un nouveau genre, adapté à l'expression du caractère russe. Le drame romantique shakespearien apparaît comme le genre le plus approprié à la mise en scène de l'esprit de l'époque représentée, et de l'esprit du peuple-héros. Pourtant, la parution du drame de Pouchkine Poltava en 1829 reçoit un accueil mitigé. La critique considère que Pouchkine ne s'est pas affranchi de l'influence de Byron. Boris Godounov, écrit plus tôt mais publié deux ans plus tard, correspond mieux aux attentes de la critique, mais seul I. Kireevski salue sans réserves ce tournant dans l'œuvre de Pouchkine. Mais l'histoire ne doit pas être la seule source d'inspiration. Le présent de la Russie n'est pas moins authentiquement russe que son passé. Le peuple, contrairement à la société cultivée, a été préservé des influences européennes. On termine ce chapitre en laissant entrevoir ce que sera la critique " réelle ", et le réalisme russe de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle. La troisième partie étudie, à travers les débats théoriques et la polémique, la naissance d'une critique littéraire russe. Un premier chapitre retrace l'évolution de la vie littéraire à Moscou et décrit la guerre des périodiques, qui culmine en 1829. Mais après 1830, progressivement, avec l'appauvrissement de l'aristocratie qui entraîne la fin du mécénat, les débuts de l'ère industrielle, le changement des mentalités, il apparaît qu'une revue moderne, pour être rentable, doit aller dans le sens du goût du public le plus large, qu'elle doit être attrayante, qu'elle doit informer, être ouverte sur les cultures européennes. La critique littéraire a une place déterminante dans les revues des années trente, et il devient nécessaire pour elle de redéfinir ses outils et ses critères. On étudie ensuite la polémique sous un angle nouveau, celui des " plébéiens " (M. Pogodine, N. Polevoï) opposés aux aristocrates (P. Viazemski, V. Odoevski, I. Kireevski), et on termine par l'opposition Moscou / Saint-Pétersbourg. Le dernier chapitre est consacré à la méthode critique naissante. Celle-ci s'appuie sur la philosophie de l'idéalisme allemand, subjectif puis objectif. D'autre part, selon la méthode des critiques romantiques européens, l'œuvre ne doit pas être considérée indépendamment de l'auteur. Il faut prendre en compte l'homme, son caractère et sa vie, se plonger dans son univers, s'en faire un ami. C'est la méthode prônée par N. Polevoï. Nadejdine, lui, refuse catégoriquement cette méthode biographique. Il s'attache exclusivement à l'œuvre, et à son caractère national, qu'il juge en la comparant à la réalité. Le critique aura le rôle de confrontation de l'œuvre à la réalité. L'œuvre est considérée comme un document sur la vie, comme un témoignage sur la réalité. Le critique est donc tenté de donner son opinion sur la société russe et la signification de l'histoire russe, d'autant plus que les conditions politiques et la censure d'Etat ne laissent pas de place pour un journalisme d'opinion indépendant. L'œuvre littéraire devient pour le critique un prétexte pour construire sa propre représentation de la réalité russe. L'article critique tend à devenir un essai littéraire.

This work provides an overview of the debates about Romanticism, as reflected in journals published in Moscow between 1824, the date of the publication of the journal of future Decembrists Mnémozyne, and 1834, when was banned N. Polevoi's Telegraf and was published in the supplement of N. Nadejdine's Teleskop, the famous article written by V. Belinski, "literaturnye mectanija." The first part shows that beyond the differences, all the writers of the early nineteenth century were united by a common goal, create the appearance of Russian literature at both national and 'modern' c 'ie European. Russian critics show methodically aesthetic theories of European romantic, especially the Jena school : Schiller, F. and A. Schlegel, Tieck and Wackenroder. With an appeal to German philosophy, especially the objective idealism of Schelling, the Moscow Romantic manage to give a philosophical basis for their aesthetic, and thus to justify the existence of a literary critic. It also examines the contextual differences between the French and Russian romanticism: French romanticism is more social and political, national and philosophical. Rejection of most excessive romanticism by Nadejdine, is done in the name of morality, even of propriety, while for Polevoi, the truth is still legal if it is well intentioned. Finally, the future great critic V. Belinski introduced the idea of dialectical struggle between good and evil, with the corollary of the necessity of the existence of evil, for the existence of good. Dialectics is one of the main contributions of German philosophy in aesthetic theory. It allows to consider the synthesis of classicism and romanticism, which are no longer considered as two antagonistic movements, but as two phases of the development of art. Meanwhile, Hegel develops a new philosophy of history. All this will allow the emergence of a critique based on historical method, where the writers are no longer considered independently of each other, but in relation to each other. Nadejdine concludes that the time has come for a truly national art, based on the synthesis of classicism and romanticism. In the second part of our thesis, entitled "Building a national literature", the question of romanticism is reconsidered in the light of the narodnost. The debate on imitation has shown that Russian romanticism is not homogeneous, but has two trends, one of which focuses on modernity and the spirit of the age, while the other considers Romanticism as release, and emphasizes the assertion of national spirit and genuine artist expression. After 1830, the Moscow critics accept and assume the difference with Europe. The debate focuses on the concept of narodnost ', and it appears that the national character is not in the external form of the work, but in the eyes of the poet, the poet himself, which leads to recognition of Pushkin as a national poet. Then the critical gradually begins to seek national character not in the Russian poet, but in Russian life, what appears to be a decisive step towards realism. This raises the question of national hero. In the thirties, national character is searched in the representation of Russian history. In addition, whereas the lyrical forms no longer meet modern requirements, or the expression of national identity, critics seek a new literary genre, adapted to the expression of the Russian character. Shakespeare's romantic drama appears to be the most suitable. However, the publication of Pushkin's drama Poltava in 1829 was not so well received. Critics consider that Pushkin was not free from the influence of Byron. But history should not be the only source of inspiration. Present in Russia is no less authentically Russian than its past. The people, unlike the educated society, has been preserved from European influences. That will be the "real" criticism and Russian realism of the second half of the nineteenth century. The third part examines, through theoretical debates and controversy, the birth of a Russian literary criticism. The first chapter traces the evolution of literary life in Moscow and describes the magazines war, culminating in 1829. But after 1830, gradually, with the decline of the aristocracy which causes the end of patronage, the beginning of the industrial era, a modern magazine, to be profitable, must go into the sense of public taste, it must be attractive, it must inform, be open to European cultures. Literary criticism has a decisive role in the magazines of the thirties, and it becomes necessary for it to redefine its tools and criteria. Then the controversy is studied in a new light, that of the "plebeians" (M. Pogodine, N. Polevoi) opposed to aristocrats (P. Viazemski, V. Odoevski, I. Kireevski), and ends with the opposition Moscow / Saint Petersburg. The last chapter is devoted to the emerging critical method. This is based on the philosophy of German idealism, subjective and objective. According to the method of European Romantic critics, the work must not be considered independently of the author. You must take into account the man, his character and his life. This is the method advocated by N. Polevoi. Nadejdine refuses this biographical method. He focuses exclusively on the work and its national character, that is judged by comparing it to reality. The role of the critic is to compare the work with the reality. The work is considered as a document on life and a testimony to the reality. The critic is tempted to give its opinion on the Russian society and the meaning of Russian history, especially since the political conditions and the state censorship leave no place for independent journalism opinion. The critical work becomes an excuse to build its own representation of the Russian reality. Critical article tends to become a literary essay. ; Cet ouvrage dresse un état des lieux des débats autour du romantisme, tels qu'ils se reflètent dans les revues publiées à Moscou, entre 1824, date de la parution de la revue des futurs décembristes Mnémozyne, et 1834, date de l'interdiction du Telegraf de N. Polevoï et de la publication, dans le supplément du Teleskop de N. Nadejdine, du célèbre article de V. Belinski, " Les rêveries littéraires ". La première partie montre qu'au-delà des divergences, tous les hommes de lettres du début du XIXe siècle étaient réunis par un même objectif, susciter l'apparition d'une littérature russe à la fois nationale, et " moderne ", c'est à dire européenne. Les critiques russes reprennent méthodiquement les théories esthétiques des romantiques européens, en particulier de l'école d'Iéna: Schiller, F. et A. Schlegel, Tieck et Wackenroder . Grâce à un recours à la philosophie allemande, et particulièrement à l'idéalisme objectif de Schelling, les romantiques moscovites parviennent à donner un fondement philosophique à leur esthétique, et ainsi à justifier l'existence d'une critique littéraire. On examine également les différences contextuelles entre le romantisme français et le romantisme russe: le romantisme français est plus social et politique, que national et philosophique. Le rejet par Nadejdine du romantisme dans ce qu'il a de plus excessif, se fait au nom de la morale, voire même des convenances, tandis que pour Polevoï, la vérité est toujours morale si elle est bien intentionnée. Enfin, le futur grand critique V. Belinski introduit l'idée dialectique de la lutte entre le bien et le mal, qui a pour corollaire celle de la nécessité de l'existence du mal, pour l'existence du bien. La dialectique est un des apports essentiels de la philosophie allemande à la théorie esthétique. C'est d'elle que découle la théorie des moments de l'art. Elle permet aux critiques d'envisager la synthèse du classicisme et du romantisme, qui ne sont plus considérés comme deux mouvements antagonistes, mais comme deux phases du développement de l'art. Parallèlement, Hegel développe une nouvelle philosophie de l'histoire. Tout cela va permettre l'émergence d'une critique fondée sur la méthode historique, où les écrivains ne sont plus considérés indépendamment les uns des autres, mais en relation les uns par rapport aux autres. Nadejdine conclut que le temps est venu, pour l'humanité civilisée, d'un art nouveau, authentiquement national, s'appuyant sur la synthèse du classicisme et du romantisme. Dans la seconde partie de notre thèse, intitulée " Construire une littérature nationale ", on reconsidère la question du romantisme sous l'angle de la narodnost'. Le débat sur l'imitation a montré que le romantisme russe n'est pas homogène, mais présente deux tendances, dont l'une met l'accent sur la modernité et l'esprit du siècle, tandis que l'autre considère le romantisme comme une libération, et insiste sur l'affirmation de l'esprit national, et l'expression sincère et authentique de l'artiste. À partir des années trente, les critiques moscovites acceptent et assument la différence avec l'Europe. Le débat se porte sur la notion de narodnost', et il apparaît que le caractère national n'est pas dans la forme extérieure de l'œuvre, mais dans le regard du poète, dans le poète lui-même, ce qui amène à la reconnaissance de Pouchkine comme poète national . Puis la critique peu à peu se met à chercher le caractère national non plus dans le Poète russe, mais dans la vie russe, ce qui apparaît comme un pas décisif vers le réalisme. Ainsi se pose la question du héros national. Dans les années trente, on recherche le caractère national dans la représentation de l'histoire russe. En outre, considérant que les formes lyriques ne correspondent plus aux exigences de la modernité, ni à l'expression de l'identité nationale, les critiques cherchent un nouveau genre, adapté à l'expression du caractère russe. Le drame romantique shakespearien apparaît comme le genre le plus approprié à la mise en scène de l'esprit de l'époque représentée, et de l'esprit du peuple-héros. Pourtant, la parution du drame de Pouchkine Poltava en 1829 reçoit un accueil mitigé. La critique considère que Pouchkine ne s'est pas affranchi de l'influence de Byron. Boris Godounov, écrit plus tôt mais publié deux ans plus tard, correspond mieux aux attentes de la critique, mais seul I. Kireevski salue sans réserves ce tournant dans l'œuvre de Pouchkine. Mais l'histoire ne doit pas être la seule source d'inspiration. Le présent de la Russie n'est pas moins authentiquement russe que son passé. Le peuple, contrairement à la société cultivée, a été préservé des influences européennes. On termine ce chapitre en laissant entrevoir ce que sera la critique " réelle ", et le réalisme russe de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle. La troisième partie étudie, à travers les débats théoriques et la polémique, la naissance d'une critique littéraire russe. Un premier chapitre retrace l'évolution de la vie littéraire à Moscou et décrit la guerre des périodiques, qui culmine en 1829. Mais après 1830, progressivement, avec l'appauvrissement de l'aristocratie qui entraîne la fin du mécénat, les débuts de l'ère industrielle, le changement des mentalités, il apparaît qu'une revue moderne, pour être rentable, doit aller dans le sens du goût du public le plus large, qu'elle doit être attrayante, qu'elle doit informer, être ouverte sur les cultures européennes. La critique littéraire a une place déterminante dans les revues des années trente, et il devient nécessaire pour elle de redéfinir ses outils et ses critères. On étudie ensuite la polémique sous un angle nouveau, celui des " plébéiens " (M. Pogodine, N. Polevoï) opposés aux aristocrates (P. Viazemski, V. Odoevski, I. Kireevski), et on termine par l'opposition Moscou / Saint-Pétersbourg. Le dernier chapitre est consacré à la méthode critique naissante. Celle-ci s'appuie sur la philosophie de l'idéalisme allemand, subjectif puis objectif. D'autre part, selon la méthode des critiques romantiques européens, l'œuvre ne doit pas être considérée indépendamment de l'auteur. Il faut prendre en compte l'homme, son caractère et sa vie, se plonger dans son univers, s'en faire un ami. C'est la méthode prônée par N. Polevoï. Nadejdine, lui, refuse catégoriquement cette méthode biographique. Il s'attache exclusivement à l'œuvre, et à son caractère national, qu'il juge en la comparant à la réalité. Le critique aura le rôle de confrontation de l'œuvre à la réalité. L'œuvre est considérée comme un document sur la vie, comme un témoignage sur la réalité. Le critique est donc tenté de donner son opinion sur la société russe et la signification de l'histoire russe, d'autant plus que les conditions politiques et la censure d'Etat ne laissent pas de place pour un journalisme d'opinion indépendant. L'œuvre littéraire devient pour le critique un prétexte pour construire sa propre représentation de la réalité russe. L'article critique tend à devenir un essai littéraire.

Política monetaria en el Imperio Romano Tardío (284-711) tiene por objeto de determinar la naturaleza, causas y efectos de las mutaciones monetarias en esas coordenadas históricas. Se analiza cada una de las alteraciones, y se relaciona con su momento histórico, para comprenderlas y explicarlas según la política, administración, legislación y fiscalidad coetáneas. Se plantea en primer lugar, con carácter de introducción, la motivación y el objetivo de la tesis: la necesidad de un estudio riguroso que que permita acceder a una bibliografía tan abundante como compleja y alivie la ausencia de una síntesis interpretativa significativa acerca de este tema, basada en teoría económica y monetaria, que sirva de marco para comprender el proceso histórico. Partiendo del declive terminal del denario y del antoniniano durante la llamada crisis del siglo III, así como de las transformaciones económicas y políticas, fenómenos bien estudiados, proseguimos realizando una breve aproximación al problema historiográfico planteado por la diferencia de criterios a la hora de valorar las reformas monetarias de Diocleciano en relación con las anteriores y posteriores. A continuación, se repasa el marco teórico de la naturaleza de la moneda romana tardoimperial, empezando con los propios conceptos de dinero e inflación, y el grado de monetización de su economía, desarrollando la discusión historiográfica sobre esta cuestión, así como la situación administrativa y fiscal del Imperio Romano hacia el año 300. Se concluye la existencia de una economía que puede ser estudiada mediante la moderna ciencia económica y una disparidad entre los ingresos y los gastos que había de ser cubierta mediante la emisión de moneda inflacionaria. Sentadas estas bases, se prosigue con el repaso de la evolución del sistema monetario y las inyecciones de liquidez durante la Tetrarquía, las sucesivas guerras civiles y la época de Constantino (293-337), así como sus efectos, el más notorio de los cuales fue la subida de los precios. No se descuida la evolución de la administración y fiscalidad coetáneas Después se analizan las nuevas devaluaciones y los intentos fracasados de restablecer una moneda de vellón fuerte, así como la evolución del oro y la plata, bajo la dinastía constantinana (337-367), seguidas por un período de inestabilidad política, guerras civiles y absoluta degradación de la moneda menuda, perdido ya todo contenido de metal precioso, durante el cual se colapsó el poder imperial en Occidente, pero que la pars orientalis logró sobrellevar (367-498). Por último, tras abordar el restablecimiento de una moneda de bronce fuerte y estable bajo Anastasio y Justiniano (498-538), se detallan los años terminales de la moneda y fiscalidad romanas (538-711), con una sucesión de devaluaciones y efímeros intentos deflacionistas durante décadas de guerras contra Irán y contra el Islam, las cuales provocaron el fin del mundo antiguo y la transformación del Estado tardorromano en un epígono ya propiamente medieval, el Imperio Bizantino. En el apartado final de conclusiones generales y particulares recapitulamos cómo hemos logrado un conocimiento exacto de la política monetaria tardorromana y su imbricación con los hechos históricos coetáneos, basado en una adecuada comprensión de los conceptos de dinero e inflación, así como los hitos de cada capítulo. ; Política monetaria no Imperio Romano Tardío (284-711) ten por obxecto de determinar a natureza, causas e efectos das mutacións monetarias nesas coordenadas históricas. Analízase cada unha das alteracións, e relaciónase co seu momento histórico, para comprendelas e explicalas segundo a política, administración, lexislación e fiscalidade coetáneas. Exponse en primeiro lugar, con carácter de introdución, a motivación e o obxectivo da tese: a necesidade dun estudo rigoroso que que permita acceder a unha bibliografía tan abundante como complexa e alivie a ausencia dunha síntese interpretativa significativa acerca deste tema, baseada en teoría económica e monetaria, que sirva de marco para comprender o proceso histórico. Partindo do declive terminal do denario e do antoniniano durante a chamada crise do século III, así como das transformacións económicas e políticas, fenómenos ben estudados, proseguimos realizando unha breve aproximación ao problema historiográfico exposto pola diferenza de criterios á hora de valorar as reformas monetarias de Diocleciano en relación coas anteriores e posteriores. A continuación, repásase o marco teórico da natureza da moeda romana tardoimperial, empezando cos propios conceptos de diñeiro e inflación, e o grao de monetización da súa economía, desenvolvendo a discusión historiográfica sobre esta cuestión, así como a situación administrativa e fiscal do Imperio Romano cara ao ano 300. Conclúese a existencia dunha economía que pode ser estudada mediante a moderna ciencia económica e unha disparidade entre os ingresos e os gastos que había de ser cuberta mediante a emisión de moeda inflacionaria. Sentadas estas bases, proséguese co repaso da evolución do sistema monetario e as inxeccións de liquidez durante a Tetrarquía, as sucesivas guerras civís e a época de Constantino (293-337), así como os seus efectos, o máis notorio dos cales foi a subida dos prezos. Non se descoida a evolución da administración e fiscalidade coetáneas Despois analízanse as novas desvalorizacións e os intentos fracasados de restablecer unha moeda de vélaro forte, así como a evolución do ouro e a prata, baixo a dinastía constantinana (337-367), seguidas por un período de inestabilidade política, guerras civís e absoluta degradación da moeda miúda, perdido xa todo contido de metal precioso, durante o cal se colapsou o poder imperial en Occidente, pero que a pars orientalis logrou soportar (367-498). Por último, tras abordar o restablecemento dunha moeda de bronce forte e estable baixo Anastasio e Justiniano (498-538), detállanse os anos terminais da moeda e fiscalidade romanas (538-711), cunha sucesión de desvalorizacións e efémeros intentos deflacionistas durante décadas de guerras contra Irán e contra o Islam, as cales provocaron o fin do mundo antigo e a transformación do Estado tardorromano nun epígono xa propiamente medieval, o Imperio Bizantino. No apartado final de conclusións xerais e particulares recapitulamos como logramos un coñecemento exacto da política monetaria tardorromana e a súa imbricación cos feitos históricos coetáneos, baseado nunha adecuada comprensión dos conceptos de diñeiro e inflación, así como os fitos de cada capítulo. ; Monetary Policy in the Late Roman Empire (284-711) undertakes the study of late Roman monetary policy, approximately between the years 293 and 711, in order to determine the origin, causes and effects of monetary mutations. We analyze each one of those alterations, relating them to their historical moment, in order to understand and explain them within the politics, administration, legislation, and fiscality. The motivation and purpose of the thesis is firstly featured in the introduction: the need for a rigorous study that alleviates the absence of a significant interpretative synthesis on this topic, based on monetary and economic theory, that can be used as a framework for understanding the historical process and allows access to such an abundant and convoluted bibliography. Starting from the terminal decline of the denarius and the antoninianus, and the crisis of the third century, well studied phenomenons, we continue with a brief approach to the historiographic conundrum raised by the difference of criteria when assessing the monetary reforms of Diocletian in relation to the preceding and subsequent ones. Next, we study the theoretical framework of the nature of the Late Roman coinage, beginning with the concepts of money and money inflation themselves, the degree of monetization of its economy, reviewing the historiographic controversy on this matter, and the administrative and fiscal situation of the Roman Empire at the edge of the year 300. We conclude the existence of an economy that can be studied through modern economic science, and a disparity between the income and the expenses that had to be covered by the issue of inflationary currency. Once these bases are in place, we continue surveying the evolution of the monetary system and the injections of liquidity during the Tetrarchy, the following civil wars, and the era of Constantine (293-337), as well as its effects, the most notorious of which was the raising of prices. The evolution of contemporary administration and taxation is not neglected. Then we analyze the new devaluations and failed attempts to restore a strong billon coinage, and the evolution of gold and silver, under the dynasty of Constantine (337-367), followed by a period of political turmoil, and an absolute degradation of the small coins, which lost all its silver content, contemporary of the collapse of imperial power in the West, but that the pars orientalis managed to cope (367-498). Finally, after reviewing the restoration of a strong and stable bronze coin under Anastasius and Justinian (498-538), we detail the terminal years of Roman currency and taxation, with a succession of devaluations and ephemeral attempts of deflation over decades of wars against Iran and against Islam, that brought the end of the ancient world and the transformation of the late Roman State into an properly medieval epigonous, the Byzantine Empire (538-711). In the final section of general and particular conclusions we recapitulate how we have achieved an exact knowledge of the late Roman monetary policy and its overlapping with contemporary historical facts, based on an adequate understanding of the concepts of money and inflation, as well as the breakthroughs of each chapter.

Opći cilj istraživanja prikazanog u ovom radu jest teorijsko i empirijsko razmatranje različitih modela urbanog upravljanja na primjeru urbano-okolišnog sektora Grada Zagreba, pri čemu se posebna pažnja daje mogućnostima i preprekama za integrirano urbano upravljanje, s fokusom na koordinaciju i participaciju. Tema je razrađivana kroz različite teorijske pristupe s namjerom holističkog obuhvata područja istraživanja. Tipologija urbanog upravljanja koju su razvili DiGaetano i Strom (2003) koristi se za analizu i interpretaciju tipova upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru Grada Zagreba. Vezano specifično uz integrirano upravljanje, istraživanjem je obuhvaćena horizontalna integracija, kao dimenzija integriranog upravljanja, odnosno njezina dva aspekta: a) segment integriranog urbanog upravljanja koji pretpostavlja intenzivniju i kvalitetniju suradnju i koordinaciju formalnih aktera unutar gradske uprave; te, b) participacija neformalnih aktera u procesu donošenja odluka i kreiranja javnih politika. Aspekt koordinacije formalnih aktera interpretiran je u ovom radu temeljem teorije koordinacije javnih politika, pri čemu se preuzimaju sukcesivne razine ostvarivanja koherentnosti u oblikovanju javnih politika koje je razvio Peters (2004). U dijagnostičke svrhe utvrđivanja suradnje različitih gradskih tijela u urbano-okolišnom sektoru u ostvarivanju zajedničkih ciljeva korišten je i Metcalfeov (1994) pristup analizi izmjere kapaciteta koordinacije javnih politika. Što se tiče participacije neformalnih aktera, u interpretaciji se koristi tipologija razine participacije koju je izradila Arnstein (1969) kao i klasifikacija jednosmjernih i dvosmjernih participativnih metoda od Anokye (2013). U kontekstu ovog istraživanja razmatra se i redistribucija moći između formalnih i neformalnih aktera izražena kao odnos snaga u kojem su u poziciji moći formalni akteri, a neformalni akteri svojim djelovanjem dovode u pitanje granice i raspodjelu moći (Arnstein, 1969). Istraživanje je dizajnirano kao studija slučaja urbanog upravljanja u Gradu Zagrebu korištenjem metode polu-strukturiranog intervjua i fokusne grupe uz pregled relevantnog normativnog i strateškog okvira. Istraživanjem je utvrđen hibridni tip upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru, specifičnije, korporativno-klijentelistički tip urbanog upravljanja. Uočene specifičnosti u modelu upravljanja odnose se na nepovjerenje neformalnih aktera u tijela lokalne samouprave što je dodatno naglašeno uvjerenjem kako lokalna samouprava počiva na principima klijentelizma i pomanjkanja odgovornosti te sektorskom i piramidalnom sustavu upravljanja s koncentracijom moći u samome vrhu gradske vlasti. Navedeno je u suprotnosti sa integriranim modelom upravljanja koje pretpostavlja ostvarenje moći kroz pozitivan kontekst "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), odnosno, ostvarenje moći kroz suradnju i konsenzus, partnerstvo i procese kolektivnog djelovanja. Koordinacija odabranih gradskih ureda unutar urbano-okolišnog sektora svrstana je, sukladno Petersu (2004) na najnižu razinu negativne koordinacije, te sukladno Metcalfeu (1994), na četvrtu razinu koja isto spada u negativnu koordinaciju s obzirom na manjkavosti koje se očituju u: preklapanjima u obavljanju poslova, pri čemu se ističe nedostatak adekvatne koordinacije aktivnosti i projekata (izostanak strukturirane koordinacije) odnosno komunikacije (različite informacije, različite vizije, različite i nepovezane aktivnosti, nedostatak adekvatne baze podataka koju bi mogli koristiti svi uredi i sektori), kako unutar ureda i sektora (naglasak na nepostojanje adekvatne horizontalne koordinacije), tako i među sektorima (nepostojanje adekvatne međusektorske koordinacije), ali i spram civilnog sektora (u vezi programa i aktivnosti od zajedničkog interesa). Naposljetku, razina participacije u urbano-okolišnom sektoru prema Arnsteininoj gradaciji participacije spada u kategoriju tokenizma. Općenito, građane se ne potiče na preuzimanje aktivne uloge prilikom donošenja relevantnih odluka u domeni djelokruga lokalne samouprave kao ni na ostvarivanje partnerstva sa formalnim akterima. Sukladno klasifikaciji metoda participacije prema Anokye (2013), utvrđeno je prisustvo dominacije jednosmjernih uz ponešto dvosmjernih metoda participacije u kategoriji tokenizma. Navedeno upućuje na instrumentalni pristup (Hordijk, 2015) u participaciji neformalnih aktera koji, iako su uključeni u procese odlučivanja, nisu ravnopravni političkim akterima. Na tragu Arnsteininog (1969) poimanja moći, rezultati istraživanja s jedne strane ilustriraju moć kao asimetričnu (centraliziranu) odnosno hijerarhijsku (podređenost većine i zapovijedanje manjine) strukturu koju karakterizira koncentracija moći u samome vrhu upravljačke strukture (Ured Gradonačelnika), a što kod nekih formalnih kao i kod neformalnih aktera stvara osjećaj bespomoćnosti. S druge strane, nalazi ilustriraju moć kao procesnu, što je vidljivo kroz primjere suradnje među akterima koji ukazuju kako neformalni akteri višom razinom participacije u nekim slučajevima dovode uvriježene hijerarhije u pitanje. Međutim, pritom je isključivo riječ o partnerstvu, ali ne i o delegiranju moći ili pak građanskom nadzoru koje Arnstein svrstava u najviše razine građanske moći. ; The general purpose of the research presented in this thesis is to theoretically and empirically consider different models of urban governance based on the example of the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Particular attention is given to the opportunities and barriers to integrated urban governance with a focus on participation. The research engages with different theoretical approaches with the intention to have a holistic approach to the subject of research. The typology of urban governance developed by DiGaetano and Strom (2003) is utilized for the analysis and interpretation of types of governance present in the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Specifically with regard to integrated governance, the research encompasses horizontal integration – as a dimension of integrated governance – and particularly its two aspects: a) the dimension of integrated urban governance which implies more intensive and enhanced cooperation and coordination between formal actors within the city administration; and b) informal actors' participation in the decision making process and the process of creating public policies. The coordination of formal actors' is interpreted through public policies coordination theory by way of adopting successive levels of coherence implementation when shaping public policies as developed by Peters (2004). Metcalfe's (1994) approach to the analysis of public policies capacity coordination is also utilized as a diagnostic tool with the aim of determining the level of cooperation among the different city offices within the environment sector. With regard to capturing the participation of informal actors, the study utilizes Arnstein's (1969) typology of the level of participation, as well as the one-way and two-way classification of participation methods developed by Anokye (2013). In the context of this study, the redistribution of power between formal and informal actors is conveyed as a struggle between formal actors being in the position of power, and informal actors who through their activities question the boundaries and distribution of power. The research was designed as a case study of urban governance in the City of Zagreb. Semi-structured interviews and focus groups were conducted, and relevant legal and strategic documents were analyzed. The research has identified a hybrid governance model, more precisely, a corporate-clientelist model of urban governance. The governance model's specificities are reflected in the informal actors' distrust of local level administration, further emphasized through the conviction that the local administration relies on a clientelist agenda, lack of responsibility, and sectorial and pyramidical system of governance whereby the power resides in the highest echelons of city government. The highlighted findings are contrary to the model of integrated governance that presupposes empowerment through a positive context of "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), through cooperation and consensus, partnership and collective actions. The coordination of examined city offices within the sector of environment is categorized, according to Peters (2004), as the lowest level of negative coordination, and, according to Metcalfe (1994), on the fourth level, which also represents negative coordination, given the noted shortcomings: overlaps in activities conducted and specifically lack of adequate levels of coordinating activities and projects (lack of structured coordination), lack of communication (different information, different visions, different and disconnected activities, lack of an adequate database to be used by all offices and sectors), both within offices and sectors (lack of adequate horizontal coordination) as well as between sectors (lack of adequate inter-sectorial coordination), but in relation to the civil sector (with regard to programs and activities of common interest). Finally, the level of participation in the environment sector, in accordance with Arnstein's participation gradation, falls into the category of tokenism. Overall, citizens are not encouraged to assume active roles in the local administration's decision-making process or realize partnerships with formal actors. Based on Anokye's (2013) classification of participation methods, the study identifies the dominance of one-way participation methods and a handful of two-way participation methods in the tokenism category. This points to an instrumental approach (Hordijk, 2015) to the participation of informal actors', who, although involved in the decision-making process, are not equal to political actors. Drawing on Arnstein's (1969) understanding of power, the study illustrates, on one hand, power as asymmetrical (centralized) and hierarchical (subordination of majority, command of minority), characterized by the concentration of power at the top of the local government structure (Mayor's office), which, in turn, creates a feeling of helplessness both among certain formal as well as informal actors. On the other hand, the study results illustrate that power can also be understood as a process which is exemplified with instances of cooperation between actors showing that informal actors when achieving a higher level of participation bring established hierarchies into question. However, this is strictly reserved for partnership, and not for the delegated power or citizen control which are ranked by Arnstein as the highest levels of citizens' power.

Opći cilj istraživanja prikazanog u ovom radu jest teorijsko i empirijsko razmatranje različitih modela urbanog upravljanja na primjeru urbano-okolišnog sektora Grada Zagreba, pri čemu se posebna pažnja daje mogućnostima i preprekama za integrirano urbano upravljanje, s fokusom na koordinaciju i participaciju. Tema je razrađivana kroz različite teorijske pristupe s namjerom holističkog obuhvata područja istraživanja. Tipologija urbanog upravljanja koju su razvili DiGaetano i Strom (2003) koristi se za analizu i interpretaciju tipova upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru Grada Zagreba. Vezano specifično uz integrirano upravljanje, istraživanjem je obuhvaćena horizontalna integracija, kao dimenzija integriranog upravljanja, odnosno njezina dva aspekta: a) segment integriranog urbanog upravljanja koji pretpostavlja intenzivniju i kvalitetniju suradnju i koordinaciju formalnih aktera unutar gradske uprave; te, b) participacija neformalnih aktera u procesu donošenja odluka i kreiranja javnih politika. Aspekt koordinacije formalnih aktera interpretiran je u ovom radu temeljem teorije koordinacije javnih politika, pri čemu se preuzimaju sukcesivne razine ostvarivanja koherentnosti u oblikovanju javnih politika koje je razvio Peters (2004). U dijagnostičke svrhe utvrđivanja suradnje različitih gradskih tijela u urbano-okolišnom sektoru u ostvarivanju zajedničkih ciljeva korišten je i Metcalfeov (1994) pristup analizi izmjere kapaciteta koordinacije javnih politika. Što se tiče participacije neformalnih aktera, u interpretaciji se koristi tipologija razine participacije koju je izradila Arnstein (1969) kao i klasifikacija jednosmjernih i dvosmjernih participativnih metoda od Anokye (2013). U kontekstu ovog istraživanja razmatra se i redistribucija moći između formalnih i neformalnih aktera izražena kao odnos snaga u kojem su u poziciji moći formalni akteri, a neformalni akteri svojim djelovanjem dovode u pitanje granice i raspodjelu moći (Arnstein, 1969). Istraživanje je dizajnirano kao studija slučaja urbanog upravljanja u Gradu Zagrebu korištenjem metode polu-strukturiranog intervjua i fokusne grupe uz pregled relevantnog normativnog i strateškog okvira. Istraživanjem je utvrđen hibridni tip upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru, specifičnije, korporativno-klijentelistički tip urbanog upravljanja. Uočene specifičnosti u modelu upravljanja odnose se na nepovjerenje neformalnih aktera u tijela lokalne samouprave što je dodatno naglašeno uvjerenjem kako lokalna samouprava počiva na principima klijentelizma i pomanjkanja odgovornosti te sektorskom i piramidalnom sustavu upravljanja s koncentracijom moći u samome vrhu gradske vlasti. Navedeno je u suprotnosti sa integriranim modelom upravljanja koje pretpostavlja ostvarenje moći kroz pozitivan kontekst "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), odnosno, ostvarenje moći kroz suradnju i konsenzus, partnerstvo i procese kolektivnog djelovanja. Koordinacija odabranih gradskih ureda unutar urbano-okolišnog sektora svrstana je, sukladno Petersu (2004) na najnižu razinu negativne koordinacije, te sukladno Metcalfeu (1994), na četvrtu razinu koja isto spada u negativnu koordinaciju s obzirom na manjkavosti koje se očituju u: preklapanjima u obavljanju poslova, pri čemu se ističe nedostatak adekvatne koordinacije aktivnosti i projekata (izostanak strukturirane koordinacije) odnosno komunikacije (različite informacije, različite vizije, različite i nepovezane aktivnosti, nedostatak adekvatne baze podataka koju bi mogli koristiti svi uredi i sektori), kako unutar ureda i sektora (naglasak na nepostojanje adekvatne horizontalne koordinacije), tako i među sektorima (nepostojanje adekvatne međusektorske koordinacije), ali i spram civilnog sektora (u vezi programa i aktivnosti od zajedničkog interesa). Naposljetku, razina participacije u urbano-okolišnom sektoru prema Arnsteininoj gradaciji participacije spada u kategoriju tokenizma. Općenito, građane se ne potiče na preuzimanje aktivne uloge prilikom donošenja relevantnih odluka u domeni djelokruga lokalne samouprave kao ni na ostvarivanje partnerstva sa formalnim akterima. Sukladno klasifikaciji metoda participacije prema Anokye (2013), utvrđeno je prisustvo dominacije jednosmjernih uz ponešto dvosmjernih metoda participacije u kategoriji tokenizma. Navedeno upućuje na instrumentalni pristup (Hordijk, 2015) u participaciji neformalnih aktera koji, iako su uključeni u procese odlučivanja, nisu ravnopravni političkim akterima. Na tragu Arnsteininog (1969) poimanja moći, rezultati istraživanja s jedne strane ilustriraju moć kao asimetričnu (centraliziranu) odnosno hijerarhijsku (podređenost većine i zapovijedanje manjine) strukturu koju karakterizira koncentracija moći u samome vrhu upravljačke strukture (Ured Gradonačelnika), a što kod nekih formalnih kao i kod neformalnih aktera stvara osjećaj bespomoćnosti. S druge strane, nalazi ilustriraju moć kao procesnu, što je vidljivo kroz primjere suradnje među akterima koji ukazuju kako neformalni akteri višom razinom participacije u nekim slučajevima dovode uvriježene hijerarhije u pitanje. Međutim, pritom je isključivo riječ o partnerstvu, ali ne i o delegiranju moći ili pak građanskom nadzoru koje Arnstein svrstava u najviše razine građanske moći. ; The general purpose of the research presented in this thesis is to theoretically and empirically consider different models of urban governance based on the example of the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Particular attention is given to the opportunities and barriers to integrated urban governance with a focus on participation. The research engages with different theoretical approaches with the intention to have a holistic approach to the subject of research. The typology of urban governance developed by DiGaetano and Strom (2003) is utilized for the analysis and interpretation of types of governance present in the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Specifically with regard to integrated governance, the research encompasses horizontal integration – as a dimension of integrated governance – and particularly its two aspects: a) the dimension of integrated urban governance which implies more intensive and enhanced cooperation and coordination between formal actors within the city administration; and b) informal actors' participation in the decision making process and the process of creating public policies. The coordination of formal actors' is interpreted through public policies coordination theory by way of adopting successive levels of coherence implementation when shaping public policies as developed by Peters (2004). Metcalfe's (1994) approach to the analysis of public policies capacity coordination is also utilized as a diagnostic tool with the aim of determining the level of cooperation among the different city offices within the environment sector. With regard to capturing the participation of informal actors, the study utilizes Arnstein's (1969) typology of the level of participation, as well as the one-way and two-way classification of participation methods developed by Anokye (2013). In the context of this study, the redistribution of power between formal and informal actors is conveyed as a struggle between formal actors being in the position of power, and informal actors who through their activities question the boundaries and distribution of power. The research was designed as a case study of urban governance in the City of Zagreb. Semi-structured interviews and focus groups were conducted, and relevant legal and strategic documents were analyzed. The research has identified a hybrid governance model, more precisely, a corporate-clientelist model of urban governance. The governance model's specificities are reflected in the informal actors' distrust of local level administration, further emphasized through the conviction that the local administration relies on a clientelist agenda, lack of responsibility, and sectorial and pyramidical system of governance whereby the power resides in the highest echelons of city government. The highlighted findings are contrary to the model of integrated governance that presupposes empowerment through a positive context of "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), through cooperation and consensus, partnership and collective actions. The coordination of examined city offices within the sector of environment is categorized, according to Peters (2004), as the lowest level of negative coordination, and, according to Metcalfe (1994), on the fourth level, which also represents negative coordination, given the noted shortcomings: overlaps in activities conducted and specifically lack of adequate levels of coordinating activities and projects (lack of structured coordination), lack of communication (different information, different visions, different and disconnected activities, lack of an adequate database to be used by all offices and sectors), both within offices and sectors (lack of adequate horizontal coordination) as well as between sectors (lack of adequate inter-sectorial coordination), but in relation to the civil sector (with regard to programs and activities of common interest). Finally, the level of participation in the environment sector, in accordance with Arnstein's participation gradation, falls into the category of tokenism. Overall, citizens are not encouraged to assume active roles in the local administration's decision-making process or realize partnerships with formal actors. Based on Anokye's (2013) classification of participation methods, the study identifies the dominance of one-way participation methods and a handful of two-way participation methods in the tokenism category. This points to an instrumental approach (Hordijk, 2015) to the participation of informal actors', who, although involved in the decision-making process, are not equal to political actors. Drawing on Arnstein's (1969) understanding of power, the study illustrates, on one hand, power as asymmetrical (centralized) and hierarchical (subordination of majority, command of minority), characterized by the concentration of power at the top of the local government structure (Mayor's office), which, in turn, creates a feeling of helplessness both among certain formal as well as informal actors. On the other hand, the study results illustrate that power can also be understood as a process which is exemplified with instances of cooperation between actors showing that informal actors when achieving a higher level of participation bring established hierarchies into question. However, this is strictly reserved for partnership, and not for the delegated power or citizen control which are ranked by Arnstein as the highest levels of citizens' power.

Rad koristi interdisciplinarni pristup u okviru kulturne politike, kako bi predstavio potrebe za decentralizacijom kulturnog sistema u Srbiji i istovremeno predložio model decentralizacije kulture koji može biti primenjen. Uvodni deo prvo predstavlja značaj decentralizacije u kulturi za Srbiju, ali istovremeno i naglašava prepreke koje su vezane za tranzicioni period u kome se zemlja nalazi. Takođe, u teoretizaciji same decentralizacije u kulturi, rad uvodi nove ključne aspekte – jednakost, ravnopravnost i pravednost, koji se predstavljaju kroz političko – ekonomske teorije poput liberalizma, socijalizma, anarhizma i feminizma, da bi se socijalna pravda uvela kao glavni princip. Iz toga proizilazi i glavna hipoteza - uz primenu principa pravednosti u modelu, može se ostvariti i princip jednakosti/ravnopravnosti u decentralizaciji kulturnog sistema Srbije. Metodološki postupak zasnovan je na interdisciplinarnim teorijsko-empirijskim istraživanjima koja obuhvataju kulturnu politiku, menadžment u kulturi, teoriju upravljanja, političke nauke, ekonomske nauke, pravne nauke i sociologiju. Cilj istraživanja je modelovanje novog kulturnog sistema decentralizacije u Srbiji, zasnovanog na principu pravednosti. Oslanjajući se na evropske primere decentralizacije kulture, kojima se teži kao pripadajućem prostoru države, rad predstavlja i istorijski pregled decentralizacije u širem smislu, političke i fiskalne, kao preduslova pune decentralizacije u kulturi. U opštem teoretisanju decentralizacije, istovremeno se i sama decentralizacija terminološki odvaja od pojmova poput dekocentracije, demetropolizacije, devolucije i delegacije, a predstavljaju se i suplementarni poput regionalizacije i supsidijarnosti, kao i međusobna uslovljenost navedenih oblika decentralizacije (političke, ekonomske i kulturne). Polazne definicije decentralizacije, trodelna definicija uslovljenosti decentralizacije u kulturi Nobuko Kavašime kao "fer distribucija resursa" i Meklijeva "decentralizacija odlučivanja", odnosno dva principa – top down demokratizacije kulture i bootom up kulturne demokratije, u radu se ne isključuju nego zajedno koriste u susretnom smislu. Rad analizira i teorije o decentralizaciji kulture (Malro i Mekli u Francuskoj, Kavašima u Engleskoj, kao i regionalne poput Dragojevića u Hrvatskoj), kao i teoretske pojmove koje smatra neophodnim za primenu decentralizacije u kulturi poput socijalne (shvatanje Džona Rolsa) i tranzicione pravde, društvene sektore sa posebnim naglaskom na civilni sektor u kulturi, populistički diskurs decentralizacije koji koristi politika, participaciju kao neophodan element decentralizacije kulture, commons i spillover efect. Analiza je obuhvatila i praktične, nekadašnje i sadašnje modele decentralizacije u kulturi u Evropi (sa posebnim naglaskom na Francusku i Englesku), nekadašnjoj Jugoslaviji (sa posebnim akcentom na samoupravni sistem), država u regionu (Hrvatska posebno) i samoj Srbiji (Nacrt strategije Komisije za decentralizaciju kulture), kako bi se predstavile strategije koje se mogu iskoristiti za predloženi model. Utvrđujući putem empirijskog istraživanja (stavovi kreatora kulture u unutrašnjosti Srbije), finansijske analize javnih izdvajanja za kulturu, strateških planova i medijske vidljivosti, visok stepen centralizma, rad predlaže i konkretne mere za ostvarivanje decentralizacije u kulturi. Poseban segment istraživanja je utvrdio i potencijalnu ulogu civilnog sektora u kulturi u decentralizaciji kulture, gde se merio njegov potencijal, održivost, povezivanje (poput Asocijacije nezavisne kulturne scene Srbije i njene uloge) i prevashodno primeri dobre prakse u svetu (omladinski centri Estonije) i kod nas nekada (Otvoreni klubovi Savezne republike Jugoslavije) i danas. Glavni rezultat ovog rada je predlog modela za implementaciju decentralizacije u kulturi Srbije, koji je adekvatan specifičnim uslovima sredine i realno primenljiv. Model je nazvan "susretno-pravednim" jer u sebi sadrži više pristupa koji nisu samostalni nego upravo povezani uslovljenim obligacijama odlučivanja koje dvosmerno dolaze vertikalno (nivoi vlasti) i horizontalno (korisnici i sektori) uz primenu načela pravednosti kao glavnog kriterijuma. Model je trostepeni (kulturna decentralizacija bez političke i fiskalne, kulturna i fiskalna decentralizacija i sva tri vida zajedno) sa trogodišnjim trajanjem svake faze. On predlaže mere i strategije poput regionalizacije (politička decentralizacija), "skandinavskog modela finansiranja" lokalnih samouprava (fiskalna decentralizacija) i kao najbitnije za kulturnu decentralizaciju: jačanje regionalnih i lokalnih resursa (razvoj kadrova i publike, departizaciju, deinstitucionalizaciju, izgradnju i revitalizaciju infrastrukture i obavezne lokalne i regionalne strategije kulture), "kapilarnu decentralizaciju" kulture putem jačanja uloge civilnog sektora, obavezni "lokalni spillover" za manifestacione kreativne industrije i primenu faktora socijalne pravde u finansiranju kulture, difuziji institucija i manifestacija od nacionalnog značaja i u nacionalnoj medijskoj promociji. Naučni doprinos rada je dalja teoretizacija pojma decentralizacije u kulturi sa stanovišta principa jednakosti, ravnopravnosti i pravde. U oblasti kulturne politike, vrednost dizajniranog modela je u tome što može imati i potencijalnu praktičnu primenu, kako od strane nacionalnih, tako i lokalnih subjekata u kulturi Srbije. ; The paper uses an interdisciplinary approach within cultural policy to present the needs for decentralization of the cultural system in Serbia and at the same time propose a model for decentralization of culture that can be applied. The introductory part first presents the importance of decentralization in culture for Serbia, but at the same time highlights the obstacles that are associated with the transition period in which the country is located. Also, in the theorizing of decentralization in culture, the paper introduces new key aspects - equality, equal and justice, which are presented through political - economic theories such as liberalism, socialism, anarchism and feminism, to introduce social justice as the main principle. This leads to the main hypothesis - with the application of the principle of equity in the model, the principle of equality in the decentralization of the cultural system of Serbia can be realized. The methodological procedure is based on interdisciplinary theoretical and empirical research covering cultural policy, cultural management, management theory, political science, economic sciences, legal sciences and sociology. The aim of the research is to model a new cultural system of decentralization in Serbia, based on the principle of equity. Drawing on European examples of decentralization of culture, which strives as belonging to the state space, the paper also presents a historical overview of decentralization in the broad sense, political and fiscal, as a precondition for full decentralization in culture. In the general theorizing of decentralization, decentralization itself is terminologically detached from concepts such as decocentiation, demetropolisation, devolution and delegation, and they are also complementary such as regionalization and subsidiarity, as well as the interdependence of these forms of decentralization (political, economic and cultural). The initial definitions of decentralization, the three-part definition of the conditionality of decentralization in the culture of Nobuko Kawashima as a "fair distribution of resources" and Moeckli's "decentralization of decision-making", that is, two principles - top down of culture democratization and bootom up of cultural democracy, are not mutually exclusive but used together. The paper analyzes the theories of decentralization of culture (Malro and Moeckli in France, Kawashima in England, as well as regional ones like Dragojevic in Croatia), as well as theoretical concepts that he considers necessary for the application of decentralization in culture such as social (John Rolls' understanding) and transitional justice, social sectors with particular emphasis on the civil sector in culture, a populist discourse of decentralization used by politics, participation as a necessary element of cultural decentralization, commons and spillover efect. The analysis also included practical, former and current models of decentralization in culture in Europe (with special emphasis on France and England), former Yugoslavia (with particular emphasis on the self-governing system), countries in the region (Croatia in particular) and Serbia itself (Draft Commission Strategy to decentralize culture), to outline strategies that can be used for the proposed model. By establishing through empirical research (views of cultural creators in the interior of Serbia), financial analysis of public appropriations for culture, strategic plans and media visibility, a high degree of centralism, the paper also proposes concrete measures for achieving decentralization in culture. A specific segment of the research identified the potential role of the civil sector in culture in decentralizing culture, measuring its potential, sustainability, networking (such as the Association of the Independent Cultural Scene of Serbia and its role) and, above all, examples of good practice in the world (Estonian youth centers) and in Balkan once (Open clubs of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) and today). The main result of this paper is the proposal of a model for the implementation of decentralization in the culture of Serbia, which is adequate to the specific environmental conditions and realistically applicable. The model has been called "counter-righteous" because it contains more approaches that are not standalone but just linked by conditioned decision-making obligations that come two-way vertically (levels of government) and horizontally (users and sectors), by applying the principle of fairness as the main criterion. The model is three-stage (cultural decentralization without political and fiscal, cultural and fiscal decentralization and all three aspects together) with a three-year duration of each phase. It proposes measures and strategies such as regionalization (political decentralization), the "scandinavian financing model" of local governments (fiscal decentralization) and as essential to cultural decentralization: strengthening regional and local resources (development of staff and audience, depoliticization, deinstitutionalization, construction and revitalization of infrastructure and mandatory local and regional cultural strategies), "capillary decentralization" of culture through strengthening the role of the civil sector, mandatory "local spillover" for creative industries and the application of social justice factors in the financing of culture, diffusion of institutions and events of national importance and in national media promotion. The scientific contribution of the paper is further theorization of the concept of decentralization in culture from the standpoint of the principles of equality and justice. In the field of cultural policy, the value of the designed model is that it can have potential practical application, both by national and local subjects in the culture of Serbia.

Rad koristi interdisciplinarni pristup u okviru kulturne politike, kako bi predstavio potrebe za decentralizacijom kulturnog sistema u Srbiji i istovremeno predložio model decentralizacije kulture koji može biti primenjen. Uvodni deo prvo predstavlja značaj decentralizacije u kulturi za Srbiju, ali istovremeno i naglašava prepreke koje su vezane za tranzicioni period u kome se zemlja nalazi. Takođe, u teoretizaciji same decentralizacije u kulturi, rad uvodi nove ključne aspekte – jednakost, ravnopravnost i pravednost, koji se predstavljaju kroz političko – ekonomske teorije poput liberalizma, socijalizma, anarhizma i feminizma, da bi se socijalna pravda uvela kao glavni princip. Iz toga proizilazi i glavna hipoteza - uz primenu principa pravednosti u modelu, može se ostvariti i princip jednakosti/ravnopravnosti u decentralizaciji kulturnog sistema Srbije. Metodološki postupak zasnovan je na interdisciplinarnim teorijsko-empirijskim istraživanjima koja obuhvataju kulturnu politiku, menadžment u kulturi, teoriju upravljanja, političke nauke, ekonomske nauke, pravne nauke i sociologiju. Cilj istraživanja je modelovanje novog kulturnog sistema decentralizacije u Srbiji, zasnovanog na principu pravednosti. Oslanjajući se na evropske primere decentralizacije kulture, kojima se teži kao pripadajućem prostoru države, rad predstavlja i istorijski pregled decentralizacije u širem smislu, političke i fiskalne, kao preduslova pune decentralizacije u kulturi. U opštem teoretisanju decentralizacije, istovremeno se i sama decentralizacija terminološki odvaja od pojmova poput dekocentracije, demetropolizacije, devolucije i delegacije, a predstavljaju se i suplementarni poput regionalizacije i supsidijarnosti, kao i međusobna uslovljenost navedenih oblika decentralizacije (političke, ekonomske i kulturne). Polazne definicije decentralizacije, trodelna definicija uslovljenosti decentralizacije u kulturi Nobuko Kavašime kao "fer distribucija resursa" i Meklijeva "decentralizacija odlučivanja", odnosno dva principa – top down demokratizacije kulture i bootom up kulturne demokratije, u radu se ne isključuju nego zajedno koriste u susretnom smislu. Rad analizira i teorije o decentralizaciji kulture (Malro i Mekli u Francuskoj, Kavašima u Engleskoj, kao i regionalne poput Dragojevića u Hrvatskoj), kao i teoretske pojmove koje smatra neophodnim za primenu decentralizacije u kulturi poput socijalne (shvatanje Džona Rolsa) i tranzicione pravde, društvene sektore sa posebnim naglaskom na civilni sektor u kulturi, populistički diskurs decentralizacije koji koristi politika, participaciju kao neophodan element decentralizacije kulture, commons i spillover efect. Analiza je obuhvatila i praktične, nekadašnje i sadašnje modele decentralizacije u kulturi u Evropi (sa posebnim naglaskom na Francusku i Englesku), nekadašnjoj Jugoslaviji (sa posebnim akcentom na samoupravni sistem), država u regionu (Hrvatska posebno) i samoj Srbiji (Nacrt strategije Komisije za decentralizaciju kulture), kako bi se predstavile strategije koje se mogu iskoristiti za predloženi model. Utvrđujući putem empirijskog istraživanja (stavovi kreatora kulture u unutrašnjosti Srbije), finansijske analize javnih izdvajanja za kulturu, strateških planova i medijske vidljivosti, visok stepen centralizma, rad predlaže i konkretne mere za ostvarivanje decentralizacije u kulturi. Poseban segment istraživanja je utvrdio i potencijalnu ulogu civilnog sektora u kulturi u decentralizaciji kulture, gde se merio njegov potencijal, održivost, povezivanje (poput Asocijacije nezavisne kulturne scene Srbije i njene uloge) i prevashodno primeri dobre prakse u svetu (omladinski centri Estonije) i kod nas nekada (Otvoreni klubovi Savezne republike Jugoslavije) i danas. Glavni rezultat ovog rada je predlog modela za implementaciju decentralizacije u kulturi Srbije, koji je adekvatan specifičnim uslovima sredine i realno primenljiv. Model je nazvan "susretno-pravednim" jer u sebi sadrži više pristupa koji nisu samostalni nego upravo povezani uslovljenim obligacijama odlučivanja koje dvosmerno dolaze vertikalno (nivoi vlasti) i horizontalno (korisnici i sektori) uz primenu načela pravednosti kao glavnog kriterijuma. Model je trostepeni (kulturna decentralizacija bez političke i fiskalne, kulturna i fiskalna decentralizacija i sva tri vida zajedno) sa trogodišnjim trajanjem svake faze. On predlaže mere i strategije poput regionalizacije (politička decentralizacija), "skandinavskog modela finansiranja" lokalnih samouprava (fiskalna decentralizacija) i kao najbitnije za kulturnu decentralizaciju: jačanje regionalnih i lokalnih resursa (razvoj kadrova i publike, departizaciju, deinstitucionalizaciju, izgradnju i revitalizaciju infrastrukture i obavezne lokalne i regionalne strategije kulture), "kapilarnu decentralizaciju" kulture putem jačanja uloge civilnog sektora, obavezni "lokalni spillover" za manifestacione kreativne industrije i primenu faktora socijalne pravde u finansiranju kulture, difuziji institucija i manifestacija od nacionalnog značaja i u nacionalnoj medijskoj promociji. Naučni doprinos rada je dalja teoretizacija pojma decentralizacije u kulturi sa stanovišta principa jednakosti, ravnopravnosti i pravde. U oblasti kulturne politike, vrednost dizajniranog modela je u tome što može imati i potencijalnu praktičnu primenu, kako od strane nacionalnih, tako i lokalnih subjekata u kulturi Srbije. ; The paper uses an interdisciplinary approach within cultural policy to present the needs for decentralization of the cultural system in Serbia and at the same time propose a model for decentralization of culture that can be applied. The introductory part first presents the importance of decentralization in culture for Serbia, but at the same time highlights the obstacles that are associated with the transition period in which the country is located. Also, in the theorizing of decentralization in culture, the paper introduces new key aspects - equality, equal and justice, which are presented through political - economic theories such as liberalism, socialism, anarchism and feminism, to introduce social justice as the main principle. This leads to the main hypothesis - with the application of the principle of equity in the model, the principle of equality in the decentralization of the cultural system of Serbia can be realized. The methodological procedure is based on interdisciplinary theoretical and empirical research covering cultural policy, cultural management, management theory, political science, economic sciences, legal sciences and sociology. The aim of the research is to model a new cultural system of decentralization in Serbia, based on the principle of equity. Drawing on European examples of decentralization of culture, which strives as belonging to the state space, the paper also presents a historical overview of decentralization in the broad sense, political and fiscal, as a precondition for full decentralization in culture. In the general theorizing of decentralization, decentralization itself is terminologically detached from concepts such as decocentiation, demetropolisation, devolution and delegation, and they are also complementary such as regionalization and subsidiarity, as well as the interdependence of these forms of decentralization (political, economic and cultural). The initial definitions of decentralization, the three-part definition of the conditionality of decentralization in the culture of Nobuko Kawashima as a "fair distribution of resources" and Moeckli's "decentralization of decision-making", that is, two principles - top down of culture democratization and bootom up of cultural democracy, are not mutually exclusive but used together. The paper analyzes the theories of decentralization of culture (Malro and Moeckli in France, Kawashima in England, as well as regional ones like Dragojevic in Croatia), as well as theoretical concepts that he considers necessary for the application of decentralization in culture such as social (John Rolls' understanding) and transitional justice, social sectors with particular emphasis on the civil sector in culture, a populist discourse of decentralization used by politics, participation as a necessary element of cultural decentralization, commons and spillover efect. The analysis also included practical, former and current models of decentralization in culture in Europe (with special emphasis on France and England), former Yugoslavia (with particular emphasis on the self-governing system), countries in the region (Croatia in particular) and Serbia itself (Draft Commission Strategy to decentralize culture), to outline strategies that can be used for the proposed model. By establishing through empirical research (views of cultural creators in the interior of Serbia), financial analysis of public appropriations for culture, strategic plans and media visibility, a high degree of centralism, the paper also proposes concrete measures for achieving decentralization in culture. A specific segment of the research identified the potential role of the civil sector in culture in decentralizing culture, measuring its potential, sustainability, networking (such as the Association of the Independent Cultural Scene of Serbia and its role) and, above all, examples of good practice in the world (Estonian youth centers) and in Balkan once (Open clubs of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) and today). The main result of this paper is the proposal of a model for the implementation of decentralization in the culture of Serbia, which is adequate to the specific environmental conditions and realistically applicable. The model has been called "counter-righteous" because it contains more approaches that are not standalone but just linked by conditioned decision-making obligations that come two-way vertically (levels of government) and horizontally (users and sectors), by applying the principle of fairness as the main criterion. The model is three-stage (cultural decentralization without political and fiscal, cultural and fiscal decentralization and all three aspects together) with a three-year duration of each phase. It proposes measures and strategies such as regionalization (political decentralization), the "scandinavian financing model" of local governments (fiscal decentralization) and as essential to cultural decentralization: strengthening regional and local resources (development of staff and audience, depoliticization, deinstitutionalization, construction and revitalization of infrastructure and mandatory local and regional cultural strategies), "capillary decentralization" of culture through strengthening the role of the civil sector, mandatory "local spillover" for creative industries and the application of social justice factors in the financing of culture, diffusion of institutions and events of national importance and in national media promotion. The scientific contribution of the paper is further theorization of the concept of decentralization in culture from the standpoint of the principles of equality and justice. In the field of cultural policy, the value of the designed model is that it can have potential practical application, both by national and local subjects in the culture of Serbia.

The objective of this doctoral dissertation is to look at the factors that determine the decisions of youth and their parents regarding youth occupation and thereby to understand the conditions for integrating youth into family farming. In the context of developing countries, there are increasing concerns that the younger generations may lose interest in farming, since this is likely to threaten global food security in the long-term. The increasing importance of migration and non-farm activities to rural livelihoods in developing countries has raised a scholarly debate about whether smallholder farming holds a potential for the youth in the future at all. However, especially in a Southeast Asian context, there are only very few available studies concerned with understanding the options for and the decisions of youth and their parents regarding youth occupation and farm integration. The present dissertation addresses this research gap by drawing on primary data from a fieldwork in Cambodia. Cambodia is home of smallholder rice-based farming, and the country experiences rapid population growth. There is therefore a huge need to ensure young peoples' livelihoods and incomes either through their integration in the labour market, or in smallholder farming. The fieldwork took place in Cambodia's Otdar Meanchey low-density area and Takeo high-density area in 2012 and 2013. Within these two provinces, the fieldwork covered five districts (18 villages). The main purpose of the fieldwork was to understand the current and potential future role of family farming in accommodating young people. The data collection methods included questionnaire surveys, semi-structured and focus group interviews, participant observation, and a case study of an NGO (CEDAC) driven youth-integration-infarming program. A typology of farming systems and strategies was developed for the survey and discussion. The dissertation shows that due to low levels of education, the rural youth in Cambodia has few alternatives other than to rely on smallholder rice farming or migrate.Though acknowledging that farming is hard work, rural youth and households do not disregard farm work, and they actually do consider family farming as one of their main options. However, when having engaged in farming even with support from CEDAC, many of the young people experience that farming cannot sustain them and their families. It is therefore common that they re-consider whether they should stay in and/or leave farming, or diversify by seasonal migration. Further, the results indicate that integrating youth into farming is purely a family decision. Settling in new pioneer areas is one of the household strategies to get access to new land and thereby secure the children's future. Only in situations where plots of land are too small to get sub-divided, households tend to invest in children's higher education. Given that non-farm activities cannot accommodate the growing number of active workers and that land, due to population increase, will have to be sub-divided for families even below the minimum threshold of sustainable living, the study concludes that the future livelihood of children must be secured under the motto of "sharing the survival" or "Chék Khear Ros" i.e., by combining both farming and non-farming activities. The growth of the population in the rural areas of Cambodia, together with the slower pace of job development in the secondary and tertiary sectors, suggest that in the future, more land for cultivation will be needed most likely at the expense of forest and wetland. There will, therefore, be a need for redefining the land tenure systems in the country. One option could be to distribute land from cancelled economic concessions to rural families. There is also a need for further studies of integration programs in Cambodia under social land concessions, which is the existing legal framework for providing access to land for poor people to see if they are still part of the solution. While existing studies mainly explain ways in which people been quitted farming based on push/pull factors and personal cost benefit, this study applied institutional change theory as process of problem solving to explain this question: problems that Cambodian smallholder agriculture face in their farming system become "a shared mental model "or "a shared rule" among family member and its social group that motivate them to act spontaneously or deliberately such as whether they should stay in and/or leave farming, or diversify by seasonal migration. This study is the first exploration the question of youth and family farming in Cambodia which could be interest for others country having similar context. ; L'objectif de cette thèse de doctorat est d'examiner les facteurs qui déterminent les décisions des jeunes ruraux cambodgiens et de leurs parents concernant la profession des jeunes. In fine, nous cherchons à comprendre les conditions d'intégration de la jeunesse cambodgienne dans l'agriculture familiale. Dans les pays en développement, le désintérêt croissant des jeunes générations pour l'agriculture pose problème car cette tendance risque de menacer la sécurité alimentaire mondiale à long terme. L'importance croissante que prennent la migration hors-village et les activités non agricoles dans les stratégies de subsistance des ménages ruraux a soulevé un débat sur le rôle que pouvait jouer l'agriculture familiale dans l'avenir des jeunes ruraux. Pourtant, il existe très peu d'études traitant des décisions relatives à la profession des jeunes dans le secteur agricole. Cette thèse de doctorat contribue à combler cette lacune à partir de données primaires issues d'un travail de terrain au Cambodge. Le secteur agricole cambodgien est composé d'exploitations familiales qui reposent sur des systèmes rizicoles et le pays connaît également une croissance démographique rapide. De ce fait, assurer les moyens de subsistance et les revenus des jeunes, par leur intégration dans le marché du travail ou dans l'agriculture paysanne, représente un enjeu essentiel pour le pays. La collecte de donnés a eu lieu en 2012 et 2013 dans deux zones distinctes du Cambodge: la zone à faible densité de population d'Otdar Meanchey et la zone à forte densité de Takeo. Dans ces deux provinces, le travail de terrain a couvert cinq districts (18 villages). L'objectif principal du travail de terrain était de comprendre le rôle actuel et potentiel de l'agriculture familiale pour l'emploi des jeunes. Les méthodes de collecte de données comprenaient des enquêtes, des entretiens semi-directifs, l'observation de participants et une étude de cas portant sur un programme d'intégration de jeunes agriculteurs porté par une ONG (CECAC). Une typologie des systèmes et stratégies agricoles a été développée pour l'enquête et la discussion. La thèse montre qu'en raison du faible niveau d'éducation, les jeunes ruraux au Cambodge ont peu d'alternatives à la petite riziculture ou à la migration en dehors de leur village d'origine. Tout en reconnaissant le fait que l'agriculture est un travail difficile, les jeunes ruraux et leurs ménages ne négligent pas le travail agricole et considèrent l'agriculture familiale comme l'une de leurs principales options. Cependant, lorsqu'ils se sont engagés dans l'agriculture, même avec le soutien du CECAC, de nombreux jeunes ont l'impression que l'agriculture ne leur permet pas de subvenir à leurs besoins et à ceux de leur famille. Il est donc fréquent qu'ils se posent la question de savoir s'ils doivent poursuivre une activité agricole ou s'ils doivent diversifier leurs sources de revenu par une migration saisonnière. De plus, les résultats indiquent que l'intégration des jeunes dans l'agriculture est une décision purement familiale. S'installer dans de nouvelles zones pionnières est l'une des stratégies des ménages pour accéder à de nouvelles terres et ainsi garantir l'avenir de leurs enfants. Ce n'est que dans des situations où les parcelles sont trop petites pour être subdivisées que les ménages ont tendance à investir dans l'éducation supérieure des enfants. Étant donné que les activités non agricoles ne pourront pas accueillir le nombre croissant de travailleurs actifs et que le foncier, en raison de l'augmentation de la population, tendra à être subdivisée en parcelles de plus en plus petites qui ne pourront garantir un revenu durable, l'étude conclut que les futurs stratégies de subsistance des ménages ruraux devront reposer sur le principe de «partage de survie» ou «Chék Khear Ros», c'est-à-dire combiner des activités agricoles et non agricoles. La croissance de la population rurale cambodgienne et le ralentissement de la croissance du marché du travail dans les secteurs secondaire et tertiaire, suggèrent qu'à l'avenir, plus de terres seront nécessaires pour l'agriculture et que ceci se fera au détriment des forêts et des zones humides. Il serait donc nécessaire de redéfinir les régimes fonciers du pays. Une option pourrait être de distribuer les terres des concessions économiques qui ont été récemment annulées aux familles rurales. Il est également nécessaire de poursuivre l'évaluation des programmes de redistribution de terres entrepris dans le cadre des concessions foncières sociales, politique qui constitue le cadre juridique existant pour permettre aux pauvres d'accéder à la terre. Alors que les études existantes cherchent principalement à expliquer l'abandon d'activités agricoles à partir de facteurs push / pull et de calculs coûts/bénéfices individuels, cette étude a mobilisé la théorie du changement institutionnel et la manière dont elle conceptualise les processus de résolution de problèmes pour traiter cette question. Les problèmes rencontrés par les petits agriculteurs cambodgiens sont alors conceptualisés comme «des modèles mentaux partagés» ou «des règles partagées» entre les membres de la famille et le groupe social. Ces règles influencent leurs décisions spontanées ou délibérées comme celle de continuer ou quitter l'agriculture, ou de diversifier leurs stratégies de subsistance par une migration saisonnière. Cette étude constitue une première tentative d'analyser la question de la jeunesse et de l'agriculture familiale au Cambodge et pourrait être répliquée dans d'autres pays ayant un contexte similaire.

El objetivo de esta investigación es fijar el campo semántico del concepto de representación en el momento de su origen (siglos XVII y XVIII). Pretendemos identificar las diversas esferas de la experiencia sobre las que se ha fundamentado esta construcción conceptual y, al mismo tiempo, describir las mutaciones que ha sufrido, hasta su crisis. Estas esferas son: artística, epistemológica y jurídico-política. Nuestra hipótesis supone que la nueva concepción del poder político contractualista depende de la metáfora de la representación teatral. Trataremos de mostrar cómo la vieja metáfora del Theatrum Mundi, liberada del sistema teológico, se va a transformar en el Barroco en una forma de sociedad espectacular. El ciudadano se convierte en espectador tanto en el teatro como en la sociedad y en la política. Nuevas relaciones de poder y nuevos sujetos (la burguesía y las masas urbanas), pero también nuevos espacios ciudadanos: reales y abiertos (plazas y jardines), y espacios virtuales y cerrados (teatros). Ese complejo estético-político tiene en la ópera cómica, desarrollada durante el clasicismo, el signo distintivo de la Ilustración y de la burguesía. Los textos han sido tratados por una metodología hermenéutica haciendo una nueva lectura de todos aquellos documentos originales que presentaban una perspectiva de esa metáfora escénica. La problemática actual de la representación política se ha tratado desde el método genealógico usando tres perspectivas que constituyen sendas figuras conceptuales. La primera es la que presenta las tres disciplinas por las que conocemos la representación en Occidente: la teoría política, la epistemología y la estética. La segunda hace referencia a los personajes representativos: el político, el científico y el artista. Finalmente, la representación cultivada por estos tres personajes constituye el espectáculo que se ofrece al público. El espectador "actúa" en la representación como el representado. El espectador (público-masa), constituye la tercera figura conceptual o perspectiva. El resultado de este tratamiento nos permite ver cómo, gracias a esa forma de diferenciación social basada en la distinción o gusto estético, frente a la ópera y otras manifestaciones artísticas, se configuraba un sistema espectacular absolutamente vertical. Las altas culturas se presentaban a aquellos individuos distinguidos, convertidos en personajes representativos (alta burguesía). La moderna sociedad de clases reinventa la desigualdad a través de la cultura. En las reflexiones sobre el arte dramático hemos descubierto las claves para la comprensión del moderno hombre público en tanto que personaje representativo. El espacio público se ha transformado en un escenario (El gran teatro del mundo) y se presenta bajo la forma de la representación. La sociedad y la ciudad se han convertido en una escenografía para el espectáculo; el ciudadano es el público y para él se procede a organizar la compleja representación. Se diseña la figura profesional del representante de los asuntos públicos: el político representativo, casi de la misma manera que hay un protagonista de la representación en el teatro: el actor. Dentro de las conclusiones constatamos que la representación no ha entrado en crisis, como viene anunciado en arte y política, más bien al contrario, se ha reforzado, y la moderna red global está organizada por los sistemas mediáticos que gestionan la opinión pública y estimulan el consumo espectacular de las masas. Hemos identificado, en diálogo con Foucault, que la crisis no ha afectado al sistema completo de la representación sino a uno de sus componentes, ese que caracterizó al racionalismo clásico: al modelo cartesiano del orden metódico. En consecuencia, podemos constatar la pervivencia del clasicismo actualmente. Las músicas populares, las dramaturgias cinematográficas, etc. van a promover un nuevo género que regresa a las fuentes populares, aunque se aleja de los patrones musicales del clasicismo ya convertido en música culta, música clásica. El mundo de la comedia clásica está en nuestra sensibilidad, las estructuras espectaculares creadas en aquella época siguen funcionando. Este mundo de la comedia ilustrada ha llegado a convertirse en la dramaturgia de la cultura de masas que la Dialéctica de la Ilustración llamó "industria cultural". Este trabajo ha pretendido realizar la genealogía de los contenidos de esa cultura que impregna todos los productos culturales que se producen en la segunda mitad del siglo XX, especialmente después de que la ilusión de la crisis de la representación haya acabado con la Vanguardia. Y a través de ese análisis hemos definido un modelo crítico de la actitud ciudadana. Respecto a esa construcción cultural se construyen dos figuras del espectador: la ofrecida por Rousseau y otra de Diderot. Nuestra perspectiva es más diderotiana que roussoniana: el espectador debe dejar de serlo, pero en el teatro mismo, no contra el teatro. Nuestras formas culturales y espectaculares forman parte de nuestra identidad y, por ello, debemos exigir no solo su mantenimiento sino la calidad de su custodia, su renovación y su desarrollo. The objective of this research is to set the semantic field of the concept of representation at the time of its origin (17th and 18th centuries). We aim to identify the various areas of the experience on which this conceptual structure is based upon and, at the same time, describe the mutations it has suffered up to its crisis, in its triple aspect: artistic, epistemological and juridical. We will try to show how the old metaphor of the Theatrum Mundi, freed from the theological system, became a form of spectacular society, during the Baroque period Our hypothesis is that the new concept of contractual political power, depends on the metaphor of the theatrical performance, which is the indisputable paradigm of this cultural model. The citizen becomes a spectator both at the theatre as in society and politics. New relations of power and new individuals (the bourgeoisie and the urban masses), but also new urban and civic spaces: real and open (squares and gardens), or virtual and closed (theatres). These aesthetic-political complex performances will reveal through the musical show invented in the 16th century: the opera. During the 18 th. century, the comic opera became a hallmark of the Enlightenment and the bourgeoisie. The texts have been submitted by a hermeneutics methodology by doing a transversal reading about all those original documents presenting a perspective of this scenic metaphor. The current issue of political representation has been treated since the genealogical method using three perspectives. The first one by presents the three disciplines which we know the representation in the West: political theory, epistemology and aesthetics. The second perspective, that illuminates a capital element within this system, makes reference to the representative characters: the politician, the scientist and the artist. Finally, the representation cultivated by these three characters is the performance that is offered to the public, which "acts" in the representation as the represented: the spectator (the crowd-audience), which is the third conceptual figure or perspective. The result of this process lets us see how, thanks to that form of social differentiation based on the distinction or aesthetic taste, opposite the opera and other artistic manifestations, a spectacular system absolutely vertical was configured. High cultures addressed those distinguished individuals converted into emblematic (representative) characters (gentry). We have discovered the keys to the understand the modern public man as a symbol, through our reflections about drama. The public space has been transformed into a stage (the great theatre of the world) and is presented in the form of representation. The society, the city, has become a stage for the show; the citizen is the public and for it proceeds to organize complex representation. The professional figure of the public affairs representative is designed: the political representative, almost in the same way that there is a protagonist of the representation in the Theatre: the actor. One of the most important conclusions is that performance has not entered into crisis, but strengthened enormously while the modern global network is organized by the media that manage public opinion and stimulate mass consumption. Therefore, the crisis has not affected the whole system of performance, but us one of its components, the one which characterized classical rationalism, the Cartesian model of the methodical order. As a result, we can recognize the survival of classicism: popular music, the cinema dramaturgy, etc. generate a new genre that returns to the popular sources, although it moves away from the musical patterns of classicism as converted into art music, classical music. The world of classical comedy is in our sensitivity, the spectacular structures created at that time are still operating. This world of the illustrated comedy has become the drama of mass culture that Dialectics of Enlightenment called cultural industry. This work has tried to carry out the genealogy of the contents of that culture that permeates all cultural products that are produced in the second half of the 20th century, especially since the illusion of the crisis of performance finished with the avant-garde. Through this analysis, we have defined a critical model of citizen attitude. Two figures of the viewer are built on that cultural construction: the one offered by Rousseau and another by Diderot. Our perspective is more Diderot-like than Roussonian: the spectator must cease to be, but within the theatre itself, not against the theatre. Our cultural and spectacular forms are part of our identity, thus we must demand not only its maintenance but also the quality of its custody, renewal and development.

It's been 64 years since the European Coal and Steel Community was created, or 58 years from the creation of the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community. This process of economic and political integration is unprecedented in modern history and represents a major challenge for contemporary concepts of the EU management system. Ways of the policy management and the depth of integration inside EU have changed dramatically since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty, while the Lisbon Treaty continued integration and maybe announced two opposite processes-deeper integration and the transfer of powers from member states to the EU level, and the overall crisis of EU, especially in light of the institutional and economic crisis. The main question that this paper addresses is whether the developments in recent years have consolidated EU or they have weakened it, or whether these events are part of the solution to the institutional crisis or its cause and if they weakened it, what level of management is formed in EU. The general assumption is that the main indicators of the overall institutional crisis in the EU are: 1. Difficulties in reaching a consensus on the issues of EU development and strengthening of the role of large Member States, 2. Poor representational capacity of the Commission, and 3. The loss of legitimacy in the functioning of the Union. The main way in which this analysis is conducted is a collision of two opposite concepts of policy management in EU, which are seen as a structural causes of the crisis in EU: country-centric policy management, which relies on a theory of liberal institutionalism and the Community method, and then we analyze the main settings of both theories by observing processes in the conduct of policies at various levels in EU. European integration was firstly built on the premise that member states will voluntarily deepen their relationships beyond the initial trade relations in order to establish a common political and social goals, and the integration process has proved to be a good recipe for survival of larger and smaller countries in EU. The Lisbon Treaty placed member states at the heart of European integration primarily through their role in the Council of Ministers, and their national parliaments were given special rights with regard to monitoring the principle of subsidiarity. The influence of member states is evident the most in the European Council, as the leading institution of EU, and the Council of Ministers, and the most important difference in the functioning of the EU member states and their behavior lies in the acronym QMV or a Qualified Majority Voting institute, which sets diplomacy and executive power in a completely new context. With the expansion of EU to 28 member states, the rules have changed, creating new coalitions, a new weight and balance of power and the creation of national interests. New members do not have much experience like the old EU member states, and many of them disagree with supranational tradition in EU. Many do not feel quite at ease because of the structure of power in EU and existing coalitions. The old coalitions are changing and some traditional such as Berlin-Paris axis are slowly dying. We have demonstrated the structural causes of the institutional crisis in EU through the two opposing concepts of the EU system management, the intergovernmental method of governance and supranational management methods. The third management method that has been more and more evident since the mid-nineties of the 20th century, is a system of multilevel governance, that combines the previous two. Such a hybrid control mode hides structural causes of the institutional crisis in EU because the differences between the two main methods of management of the EU system are gradually turning them into contradiction. When we talk about low-representational capacity, we can see that this is a consequence of the predominant role of the member states and a conferred jurisdiction. On the one hand, the national governments are monitoring the executive powers of the Commission, and on the other side after the establishment of a comitology procedure, the Council and the national governments have become part of the whole process. It seems that through this procedure, member states have full control over the Commission, but for them it is much harder to control it in areas where the Commission has exclusive power, for example in the area of competition, state aid, agriculture, trade policy and the internal market. At first glance, it appears that COREPER, yet another modern institution, serves as a meeting of diplomats of the EU member states and which prepares meetings of the Council. However, a deeper analysis of the role of COREPER suggests that it is evident that it is the main decision-making body in EU, which is used for communication with the EU member states. In this sense, the COREPER has evolved from a simple intergovernmental body, informal in its nature, to a de facto decision-maker. Although the original role of COREPER was to prepare the meetings of the Council, the development of these institutions is one of the unrecorded cases of the evolution of institutions in EU. In other words, much of the power, and undefined powers have been transferred into the hands of the Permanent Representatives of the Member States. When we talk about democratic legitimacy in the functioning of the EU, we must bear in mind that this legitimacy has not received specific place in the constitutional structure of the EU. Far greater importance is given to the principle of the rule of law, and a double-line of democratic legitimacy tells us that the EU is not based so much on the role of citizens of the Union, from which it should derive its legitimacy, but that it is based on the treaties between its member states. This dual line is expressed at the institutional level in elections for the European Parliament, which are the only way of voting for policy makers at the EU level. This second line of democratic legitimacy is far more significant, and elections for the European Parliament are second-rate. The only power the Parliament reflects in the influence in EU, is the composition of the Commission. We must also say that the democratic principle in the Lisbon Treaty replaced the principle of democracy, and instead it was replaced by the primacy of them the transparency, representativeness, public debate and flexibility. The executive power has been predominant in EU since its creation, which produced huge consequences at a European level especially with regard to the management and the legitimacy of the institutions of the EU, but also at the national level because of the large transfer of competences to EU. In addition, we must add the conceptual diversity or heterogenity of European political demos because it is not one nation, but nations, and thus the logical question of how EU can submit diversity in light of the current institutional crisis. The legitimacy of EU is measured primarily through benefits of integration, represented by the concept of output rather than input-and, what is at the root of the entire crisis, is the fact that EU citizens simply do not base their relationship with the EU institutions on previous confidence but the expected benefits instead. This leads directly to the EU civil clientelism, rather than democracy, a concept that will only temporarily, or situationally determine the functioning of EU, because it is not a permanent solution. ; Prošle su 64 godine od kada je stvorena Evropska zajednica za ugalj i čelik, odnosno 58 godina od stvaranja Evropske ekonomske zajednice i Evropske zajednice za atomsku energiju. Ovaj proces ekonomske i političke integracije je bez presedana u modernoj istoriji i predstavlja veliki izazov za savremene koncepte upravljanja sistemom EU. Načini vođenja politika i dubina integracije u EU su se dramatično promenili još od usvajanja Ugovora iz Mastrihta, dok je Lisabonski ugovor nastavio procese integracije i možda najavio dva suprotna procesa-dublju integraciju i prenošenje nadležnosti sa država članica na nivo EU, i sveukupnu krizu EU, naročito u svetlu institucionalne i ekonomske krize. Glavno pitanje kojim se rad bavi je da li su dešavanja proteklih godina konsolidovala EU ili su je oslabila, odnosno da li su ta dešavanja deo rešenja postojeće institucionalne krize ili su njen uzrok i ako su je oslabila, kakav nivo upravljanja se formira u EU. Opšta pretpostavka je da su glavni pokazatelji sveukupne institucionalne krize u EU oličeni u: 1. Teškoćama prilikom postizanja konsenzusa o najvažnijim pitanjima razvoja EU i jačanju uloge velikih država članica, 2. Slabom predstavljačkom kapacitetu Komisije, i 3. Gubitku legitimiteta u funkcionisanju Unije. Osnovni način na koji će se ova analiza sprovesti je sudaranje dva suprotstavljena koncepta upravljanja politikama u EU, koji su prepoznati kao strukturni uzroci krize u EU-državo-centričkog načina upravljanja politikama, koji se oslanja na teoriju liberalnog institucionalizma i metoda Zajednice, a zatim ćemo analizirati glavne postavke obe teorije posmatrajući procese u vođenju politika na različitim nivoima u EU.

I det nuværende danske energisystem bliver hoveddelen af den benyttede el og varme produceret på et kraftvarmeværk (KVV). Med stadig større produktion af el fra vedvarende energikilder bliver det en stadig større udfordring at tilpasse el og varmeproduktion til behovsprofilet, da produktions kapacitetens tekniske restriktioner begrænser den effektive produktion på KVV. Varmepumper (VP) kan benyttes til at afkoble sådanne begrænsninger, men den nuværende teknologi er ikke konkurrencedygtig. Metoder til at forbedre energi effektiviteten er nødvendige, for at kunne opnå de politisk fremlagte mål for CO2-emmisioner. Det præsenterede studie undersøger den mulige introduktion af VP fra både et termodynamisk- og system/operationsanalyse perspektiv, for at finde optimale integrations løsninger for både nutidige og fremtidige energisystemer. Fem generiske konfigurationer for VP i fjernvarme- (FV) systemer blev identificeret og sammenlignet ud fra en termodynamisk analyse. Den operative præstationsevne af konfigurationerne blev undersøgt både for den enkelte enhed og fra et system perspektiv for forskellige FV temperaturer, forskellige drivmidler og ved systemer med forskellige produktions teknologier i FV netværket. Analysen viste at tre konfigurationer er særligt fordelagtige, hvorimod de to tilbageværende konfigurationer, set fra et system perspektiv, præsterer tilsvarende eller endog dårligere end det der kan forventes af en elektrisk vandvarmer. Den ene af de tre fordelagtige konfigurationer skal lokaliseres hos forbrugeren, hvorimod de to resterende kan placeres på lokaliteter med særligt gunstige temperaturer, hvor FV netværket benyttes til at distribuere varmen. En stor mængde operative og økonomiske restriktioner begrænser anvendelsen af VP som benytter naturlige arbejdsmedier, hvilket kan være de eneste mulige valg for Danske forhold. Begrænsningerne er meget afhængige af integrationen af energistrømmene for varme kilde og dræn. En vurdering af fordelagtige operative anlæg blev udført ud fra restriktioner som tilgængeligt køleteknisk udstyr og behovet for en positiv nutidsværdi for investeringen. Seks kompressions varme pumper (KVP) blev analyseret sideløbende med ammoniak-vand hybrid absorption kompressions varme pumpe (HAKVP), hvilket korresponderer til en øvre begrænsning i dræn temperature op til 150 °C. Den bedste disponible teknologi blev bestemt for hver mulig kombination af kilde og dræn temperaturer. Resultaterne viste at fem forskellige VP systemer fremsætter den bedste tilgængelige teknologi ved forskellige dele af det samlede arbejdsområde. Ammoniak-vand HAKVP og ammoniak KVP systemer med enten lav eller højtrykskomponenter er fordelagtige for en meget stor del af de analyserede dræn temperaturer og temperaturløft. Krav til dræn temperaturer og temperaturløft kan ikke tilfredsstilles for mange FV systemer hvis VP varmer til fremløbstemperaturen, med de benyttede økonomiske begrænsninger inkluderet i analysen. Den specifikke ydeevne for to FV VP konfigurationer blev undersøgt i yderligere detalje, hvortil der benyttes endelige temperatur niveauer som svarer til en række typiske FV netværk. Otte systemer blev analyseret for deres anvendelighed, og systemerne blev optimeret til hvert driftspunkt ved brug af exergoøkonomisk analyse. De enkelte VP blev sammenlignet baseret på prisen af den producerede varme. Resultaterne viser, at de tekniske begrænsninger medfører en betydeligt forøget pris på varme ved høje FV temperaturer, sammenlignet med den mest konkurrencedygtige termodynamiske kredsproces. Ved høje og mellemhøje temperaturløft er det muligt at opnå en kredsproces effektivitet på op til 45-50 % af det teoretisk mulige (i forhold til Lorenz processen), hvorimod så lave virkningsgrader som 36 % må forventes for lave temperaturløft. Tre typisk anvendte operations analyse metoder blev analyseret for deres påvirkning på driftsstyring for energiteknologier. Ved at fokusere på den fysiske repræsentation af KVV, synes det klart at den simple repræsentation tillader ugennemførlig produktion. Når blandet heltals programmering (BHP) og ikke lineær programmering (ILP) benyttes, bliver antallet af driftstimer og produktionen af varme fra VP betydeligt forøget, da VP kan benyttes til at udligne driftsprofilet for KVV i energisystemer med betydelige tekniske begrænsninger. En BHP energi system model blev udviklet, med fokus på detaljeret repræsentation af KVV og VP. To energiscenarier blev benyttet til analysen, et nuværende, som er valideret for året 2011, og et fremtidigt scenarie, som modsvarer det energiplanlæggere foreslår for 2025, hvor reduktioner af CO2-emissioner er en særlig indsats. Den ændrede drift for elektricitets produktions enheder fører til genovervejelse af optimum for FV netværks temperaturer, for at opnå den laveste pris og de laveste CO2-emissioner. Den udviklede energisystem model blev benyttet til at analysere den ændrede produktion. Produktions ændringer fra typiske KVV teknologier blev benyttet til at repræsentere den ændrede produktion af el og varme for ændrede FV temperaturer. Resultaterne viser at forbruget af primær energi og systemets omkostninger kan reduceres med ca. 5-7 % ved FV fremløbstemperaturer på 60 til 70 °C for 2025 scenariet. Yderligere reduktion i FV temperaturer resulterer i modsat rettede tendenser, da varmt brugsvand skal benytte stadig større mængder el for at opnå de nødvendige temperaturer. Resultaterne er netværks specifikke, da de repræsenterer specifikke FV forsyningsværker og netværk restriktioner, men tilsvarende tendenser kan forventes for andre store FV netværker. ; In the current Danish energy system, the majority of electricity and heat is produced in combined heat and power (CHP) plants. With increasing shares of intermittent renewable power production, it becomes a challenging task to match power and heat production to its demand curves, as production capacity constraints limit the efficient operation of the CHP plants. Heat pumps (HPs) can be used to decouple such constraints, but current state of the art are not competitive all things considered. Methods to improve the high energy efficiency are required to match the politically agreed carbon emission goals. The presented study investigates the possible introduction of HPs from both a thermodynamic and a system/operation management perspective, in order to find optimal integration schemes in both current and future energy scenarios. Five generic configurations of HPs in district heating (DH) systems were identified and compared based on a thermodynamic analysis. The operational performance of the configurations were investigated at both local and system level considering different DH network temperatures, different fuels and different production technologies in the DH network. The analysis show that three configurations are particular advantageous, whereas the two remaining configurations result in system performance close to or below what may be expected from an electric heater. One of the three advantageous configurations is required to be positioned at the location of the heat demand, whereas the two remaining can be located at positions with availability of high temperature sources by utilising the DH network to distribute the heat. A large amount of operational and economic constraints limit the applicability of HPs operated with natural working fluids, which may be the only feasible choice in Danish conditions. The limitations are highly dependent on the integration of heat source and sink streams. An evaluation of feasible operating conditions was carried out considering the constraints of available refrigeration equipment and a requirement of a positive net present value of the investment. Six vapour compression heat pump (VCHP) systems were considered along with the ammonia-water hybrid absorption compression heat pump (HACHP), corresponding to an upper limit of the sink temperature of up to 150 °C. The best available technology was determined for each set of heat sink and source temperatures. The results showed that five different HP systems propose the best available technology at different parts of the complete domain. Ammonia-water HACHP and ammonia VCHP systems utilising either low or high pressure components are preferable very broad range of sink temperature and temperature lifts. With the considered economic constraints in place, the requirements in terms of sink temperatures and temperature lift are not met for many DH networks considering the configurations which heat to forward temperatures. The specific performance for two DH HP configurations were studied in detail, using the finite temperature levels of a range of common DH networks. Eight systems were examined in terms of applicability, and the systems were optimised for each operating condition using exergoeconomic theory. The HPs were compared based on cost of heat. The results show that including the practical applicability of components causes a significantly increased cost at high temperature lifts, compared to the most competitive thermodynamic cycle. At high and medium temperature lifts cycle efficiencies of 45 - 50 % of the theoretical maximum (Lorenz cycle limit) can be achieved, whereas for low temperature lifts, efficiencies as low as 36 % may be expected. Three frequently used operation optimisation methods were examined, in order to investigate their impact on operation management of energy system technologies. By focussing on the physical representation of a CHP-plant, it is clear that a simple representation allows infeasible production. Using MIP or NLP optimisation, the number of operation hours and the total production of heat from HPs are significantly increased, as the HPs may be used to shave the load patterns of CHP units in significantly constrained energy systems. A MIP energy system model was developed with focus on the detail level of features for representation of CHP and HP units. Two energy scenarios were considered, one current, which is a validated model for 2011, and a future scenario, as proposed by energy planners for 2025, where reductions in carbon emissions for heat is of major interest. The changed distribution of electricity generation technologies may suggest a reconsideration of optimum for DH network temperatures, in order to achieve low cost and minimum carbon emissions. The developed energy system model was used to investigate the changed operation. Production curves from typical CHP-plant technologies were used to represent the changed power and heat production for changed DH temperatures. The results show that both primary fuel consumption and cost can be reduced approximately 5-7 % at DH forward temperatures of 60 - 70 °C in 2025 scenario. Further reduction results in contrary tendencies as hot tap water requires increasing amounts of electricity to reach required temperatures. The results are network specific, as they represent the specific DH utility technologies and network constraints, but similar trends can be expected for other large DH networks.

NOTICIAS / NEWS ("Transfer", 2016) 1) CONGRESOS / CONFERENCES: 1. Languages & the Media – Agile Mediascapes: Personalising the Future, Hotel Radisson Blu, Berlín, 2-4 Nov. 2016 www.languages-media.com 2. Third Chinese Drama Translation Colloquium Newcastle University, UK, 28-19 Junio 2016. www.ncl.ac.uk/sml/about/events/item/drama-translation-colloquium 3. 16th Annual Portsmouth Translation Conference – Translation & Interpreting: Learning beyond the Comfort Zone, University of Portsmouth, UK, 5 Nov. 2016. www.port.ac.uk/translation/events/conference 4. 3rd International Conference on Non-Professional Interpreting & Translation (NPIT3) Zurich University of Applied Sciences, Suiza
5-7 Mayo 2016. www.zhaw.ch/linguistics/npit3 5. 3rd Postgraduate Symposium – Cultural Translation: In Theory and as Practice. University of Nottingham, UK, 18 Mayo 2016. Contact: uontranslation2016@gmail.com 6. 3rd Taboo Conference – Taboo Humo(u)r: Language, Culture, Society, and the Media, Universitat Pompeu Fabra (Barcelona) 20-21 Sep. 2016.
https://portal.upf.edu/web/taco 7. Postgraduate Conference on Translation and Multilingualism Lancaster University, UK, 22 Abril 2016. Contacto: c.baker@lancaster.ac.uk 8. Translation and Minority University of Ottawa (Canadá), 11-12 Nov. 2016. Contacto: rtana014@uottawa.ca 9. Translation as Communication, (Re-)narration and (Trans-)creation Università di Palermo (Italia), 10 Mayo 2016 www.unipa.it/dipartimenti/dipartimentoscienzeumanistiche/convegni/translation 10. From Legal Translation to Jurilinguistics: Interdisciplinary Approaches to the Study of Language and Law, Universidad Pablo de Olavide, Sevilla,
27-28 Oct. 2016. www.tinyurl.com/jurilinguistics 11. Third International Conference on Research into the Didactics of Translation. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 7-8 Julio 2016 http://grupsderecerca.uab.cat/pacte/en/content/second-circular-1 12. EST Congress – Expanding the Boundaries or Strengthening the Bases: Should Translation Studies Explore Visual Representation? Aarhus University (Dinamarca), 15-17 Sep. 2016 http://bcom.au.dk/research/conferencesandlectures/est-congress-2016/panels/18-expanding-the-boundaries-or-strengthening-the-bases-should-translation-studies-explore-visual-representation/ 13. Tourism across Cultures: Accessibility in Tourist Communication Università di Salento, Lecce (Italia). 25-27 Feb. 2016 http://unisalento.wix.com/tourism 14. Translation and Interpreting Studies at the Crossroad: A Dialogue between Process-oriented and Sociological Approaches – The Fourth Durham Postgraduate Colloquium on Translation Studies Durham University, UK. 30 Abril – 1 Mayo 2016. www.dur.ac.uk/cim 15. Translation and Interpreting: Convergence, Contact, Interaction Università di Trieste (Italia), 26-28 Mayo 2016 http://transint2016.weebly.com 16. 7th International Symposium for Young Researchers in Translation, Interpreting, Intercultural Studies and East Asian Studies. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 1 Julio 2016. http://pagines.uab.cat/simposi/en 17. Translation Education in a New Age The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen, China 15-16 Abril 2016. Contact: Claire Zhou (clairezhou@cuhk.edu.cn) 18. Audiovisual Translation: Dubbing and Subtitling in the Central European Context, Constantine the Philosopher University, Nitra (Eslovaquia). 15-17 Junio 2016. https://avtnitraconference.wordpress.com 19. Cervantes, Shakespeare, and the Golden Age of Drama Madrid, 17-21 Oct. 2016 http://aedean.org/wp-content/uploads/Call-for-papers.pdf 20. 3rd International Conference Languaging Diversity – Language/s and Power. Università di Macerata (Italia), 3-5 Marzo 2016 http://studiumanistici.unimc.it/en/research/conferences/languaging-diversity 21. Congreso Internacional de Traducción Especializada (EnTRetextos) Universidad de Valencia, 27-29 Abril 2016 http://congresos.adeituv.es/entretextos 22. Translation & Quality 2016: Corpora & Quality Université Charles de Gaulle Lille 3 (Francia), 5 Feb. 2016 http://traduction2016.sciencesconf.org/?lang=en 23. New forms of feedback and assessment in translation and interpreting training and industry. 8th EST Congress – Translation Studies: Moving Boundaries, Aarhus University (Dinamarca), 15-17 Sep. 2016. www.bcom.au.dk/est2016 24. Intermedia 2016 – Conference on Audiovisual Translation University of Lodz (Polonia), 14-16 Abril 2016 http://intermedia.uni.lodz.pl 25. New Technologies and Translation Université d'Algiers (Argelia). 23-24 Feb. 2016 Contacto: newtech.trans.algiers@gmail.com 26. Circulation of Academic Thought - Rethinking Methods in the Study of Scientific Translation. 11 - 12 Dec. 2015, University of Graz (Austria).https://translationswissenschaft.uni-graz.at/de/itat/veranstaltungen/circulation-of-academic-thought 27. The 7th Asian Translation Traditions Conference Monash University, Malaysia Campus, 26-30 Sep. 2016. http://future.arts.monash.edu/asiantranslation7 28. "Translation policy: connecting concepts and writing history" 8th EST Congress – Translation Studies: Moving Boundaries Aarhus University (Dinamarca), 15-17 Sep. 2016 http://bcom.au.dk/research/conferencesandlectures/est-congress-2016/panels/13-translation-policy-connecting-concepts-and-writing-history 29. International Conference – Sound / Writing: On Homophonic Translation. Université de Paris (Francia), 17-19 Nov. 2016 www.fabula.org/actualites/sound-writing-on-homophonic-translationinternational-conference-paris-november-17-19-2016_71295.php 30. Third Hermeneutics and Translation Studies Symposium – Translational Hermeneutics as a Research Paradigm Technische Hochschule, Colonia (Alemania), 30 Junio-1 Julio 2016 www.phenhermcommresearch.de/index.php/conferences 31. II International Conference on Economic Financial and Institutional Translation. Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières (Canadá), 17-18 Agosto 2016. www.uqtr.ca/ICEBFIT 32. International Congress - liLETRAd 2016-Cátedra LILETRAD. Literature Languages Translation, Universidad de Sevilla, 6-8 Julio 2016. https://congresoliletrad.wordpress.com 33. Transmediations! Communication across Media Borders Linnæus University, Växjö (Suecia), 13–15 Oct. 2016 http://lnu.se/lnuc/linnaeus-university-centre-for-intermedial-and-multimodal-studies-/events/conferences/transmediations?l=en 34. Translation Education in a New Age, 15-16 Abril 2016. School of Humanities and Social Science, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen. Contacto: chansinwai@cuhk.edu.cn 35. Translation and Time: Exploring the Temporal Dimension of Cross-cultural Transfer, 8-10 Diciembre 2016. Departamento de Traducción, The Chinese University of Hong Kong. Contacto: translation-and-time@cuhk.edu.hk. 36. Du jeu dans la langue. Traduire les jeux de mots / Loose in Translation. Translating Wordplay, 23-24 Marzo 2017, Université de Lille (France) https://www.univ-lille3.fr/recherche/actualites/agenda-de-la-recherche/?type=1&id=1271. Contacto: traduirejdm@univ-lille3.fr, julie.charles@univ-lille3.fr 37. Translation and Translanguaging across Disciplines. EST Congress 2016 "Translation Studies: Moving Boundaries", European Society for Translation Studies, Aarhus (Dinamarca), 15-17 Sep. 2016 http://bcom.au.dk/research/conferencesandlectures/est-congress-2016/panels/12-translation-and-translanguaging-across-disciplines/ Contacto: nune.ayvazyan@urv.cat; mariagd@blanquerna.url.edu; sara.laviosa@uniba.it http://bcom.au.dk/research/conferencesandlectures/est-congress-2016/submission/ 38. Beyond linguistic plurality: The trajectories of multilingualism in Translation. An international conference organized jointly by Bogaziçi University, Department of Translation and Interpreting Studies, and Research Group on Translation and Transcultural Contact, York University, Bogaziçi University, 1-12 Mayo 2016. Contacto: sehnaz.tahir@boun.edu.tr, MGuzman@glendon.yorku.ca 39. "Professional and Academic Discourse: an interdisciplinary perspective". XXXIV IConferencia Internacional de la Sociedad Española de Lingüística Aplicada (AESLA), 14-16 Abril 2016. Interuniversity Institute for Applied Modern Languages (IULMA) / Universidad de Alicante. http://web.ua.es/aesla2016. Contacto: antonia.montes@ua.es. 2) CURSOS, SEMINARIOS, POSGRADOS / COURSES, SEMINARS, MASTERS: 1. Seminario: Breaking News for French>English and English>French Translators King's College Cambridge, UK, 8-10 Agosto 2016 Contacto: translateincambridge@iti.org.uk 2. Curso on-line: Setting Up as a Freelance Translator Enero – Marzo 2016. Institute of Translation & Interpreting, UK https://gallery.mailchimp.com/58e5d23248ce9f10c161ba86d/files/Application_Form_SUFT_2016.pdf?utm_source=SUFT+December+Emailer&utm_campaign=11fdfe0453-Setting_Up_as_a_Freelance_Translator12_7_2015&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_6ef4829e50-11fdfe0453-25128325 3. Curso: Using Interpreters for Intercultural Communication and Other Purposes (COM397CE) http://darkallyredesign.com/what-we-do/using-interpreters-for-intercultural-communication 4. Workshop: How to Write and Publish Your Scholarly Paper In cooperation with the European Association of Science Editors (EASE) New Bulgarian University, Sofia (Bulgaria), 21-23 Marzo 2016 www.facebook.com/events/1511610889167645 http://esnbu.org/data/files/resources/ease-nbu-seminar-march-2016-fees.pdf 5. Posgrado: II Postgraduate Course on Spanish Law Taught in English "Global study". Universidad Internacional de Andalucía / Colegio de Abogados de Málaga. www.unia.es/cursos/guias/4431_english.pdf 3) CURSOS DE VERANO / SUMMER COURSES: 1. STRIDON – Translation Studies Doctoral and Teacher Training Summer School, Piran (Eslovenia), 27 Junio – 8 Julio 2016 www.prevajalstvo.net/doctoral-summer-school 2. Training in Translation Pedagogy Program School of Translation and Interpretation, University of Ottawa (Canadá), 4-29 Julio 2016. https://arts.uottawa.ca/translation/summer-programs 3. 2016 Nida School of Translation Studies. Translation, Ecology and Entanglement, San Pellegrino University Foundation, Misano Adriatico, Rimini (Italia), 30 Mayo – 10 Junio 2016. http://nsts.fusp.it/Nida-Schools/NSTS-2016 4. TTPP - Intensive Summer Program in Translation Pedagogy University of Ottawa (Canadá), 4-29 Julio 2016. http://arts.uottawa.ca/translation/summer-programs-2016/ttpp 5. CETRA Summer School 2016. 28th Research Summer School University of Leuven, campus Antwerp (Bélgica), 22 Agosto – 2 Sep. 2016. Contacto: cetra@kuleuven.be. http://www.arts.kuleuven.be/cetra 4) LIBROS / BOOKS: 1. Varela Salinas, María-José & Bernd Meyer (eds.) 2016. Translating and Interpreting Healthcare Discourses / Traducir e interpretar en el ámbito sanitario. Berlín : Frank & Timme. www.frank-timme.de/verlag/verlagsprogramm/buch/verlagsprogramm/bd-79-maria-jose-varela-salinasbernd-meyer-eds-translating-and-interpreting-healthcare-disc/backPID/transued-arbeiten-zur-theorie-und-praxis-des-uebersetzens-und-dolmetschens-1.html 2. Ordóñez López, Pilar and José Antonio Sabio Pinilla (ed.) 2015. Historiografía de la traducción en el espacio ibérico. Textos contemporáneos. Madrid: Ediciones de Castilla-La Mancha. www.unebook.es/libro/historiografia-de-latraduccion-en-el-espacio-iberico_50162 3. Bartoll, Eduard. 2015. Introducción a la traducción audiovisual. Barcelona: Editorial UOC. www.editorialuoc.cat/introduccion-a-la-traduccion-audiovisual 4. Rica Peromingo, Juan Pedro & Jorge Braga Riera. 2015. Herramientas y técnicas para la traducción inglés-español. Madrid: Babélica. www.escolarymayo.com/libro.php?libro=7004107&menu=7001002&submenu=7002029 5. Le Disez, Jean-Yves. 2015. F.A.C.T. Une méthode pour traduire de l'anglais au français. París: Ellipses. www.editions-ellipses.fr/product_info.php?cPath=386&products_id=10601 6. Baker, Mona (ed.) 2015. Translating Dissent: Voices from and with the Egyptian Revolution. Londres: Routledge. www.tandf.net/books/details/9781138929876 7. Gallego Hernández, Daniel (ed.) 2015. Current Approaches to Business and Institutional Translation / Enfoques actuales en traducción económica e institucional. Berna: Peter Lang. www.peterlang.com/download/datasheet/86140/datasheet_431656.pdf 8. Vasilakakos, Mary. 2015. A Training Handbook for Health and Medical Interpreters in Australia. www.interpreterrevalidationtraining.com/books-and-resources.html 9. Jankowska, Anna & Agnieszka Szarkowska (eds) 2015. New Points of View on Audiovisual Translation and Media Accessibility. Oxford: Peter Lang. www.peterlang.com/index.cfm?event=cmp.ccc.seitenstruktur.detailseiten&seitentyp=produkt&pk=83114 10. Baer, Brian James (2015). Translation and the Making of Modern Russian Literature, Londres: Bloomsbury. Translation and the Making of Modern Russian Literature is the inaugural book in a new Translation Studies series: Bloomsbury's "Literatures, Cultures, Translation." 11. Camps, Assumpta. 2016. La traducción en la creación del canon poético (Recepción de la poesía italiana en el ámbito hispánico en la primera mitad del siglo XX). Berna: Peter Lang. 5) REVISTAS / JOURNALS: 1. JoSTrans, The Journal of Specialised Translation, nº especial sobre Translation & the Profession, Vol. 25, Enero 2016. www.jostrans.org 2. Translation and Interpreting – Nº especial sobre Community Interpreting: Mapping the Present for the Future www.trans-int.org/index.php/transint. 3. inTRAlinea – Nº especial sobre New Insights into Specialised Translation. www.intralinea.org/specials/new_insights 4. Linguistica Antverpiensia NS-Themes in Translation Studies, 2015 issue, Towards a Genetics of Translation. https://lans-tts.uantwerpen.be/index.php/LANS-TTS/issue/view/16 5. Quaderns de Filologia, Nº especial sobre Traducción y Censura: Nuevas Perspectivas, Vol. 20, 2015. https://ojs.uv.es/index.php/qdfed/issue/view/577 6. The Translator – Nº especial sobre Food and Translation, Translation and Food, 2015, 21(3). www.tandfonline.com/eprint/ryqJewJUDKZ6m2YM4IaR/full 7. Current Trends in Translation Teaching and Learning E, 2015, 2 www.cttl.org/cttl-e-2015.html 8. Dragoman Journal of Translation Studies. www.dragoman-journal.org 9. Current Trends in Translation Teaching and Learning E. Edición especial sobre Translation Studies Curricula Across Countries and Cultures. www.cttl.org 10. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, Nº especial sobre Translation Policies and Minority Languages: Theory, Methods and Case Studies http://fouces.webs.uvigo.es/CallForPapersIJSLTranslationPolicies.pdf 11. Nº especial de The Interpreter and Translator Trainer 11(2) – Employability and the Translation Curriculum www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1750399X.2015.1103092 12. InTRAlinea. Nº especial sobre Building Bridges between Film Studies and Translation Studies www.intralinea.org/news/item/cfp_building_bridges_between_film_studies_and_translation_studies 13. Nº especial de TranscUlturAl: Comics, BD & Manga in translation/en traduction https://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/TC/announcement/view/290 14. The Journal of Translation Studies 2015, 16(4) Nº especial sobre Translator and Interpreter Training in East Asia Contacto: Won Jun Nam: wjnam@hufs.ac.kr, wonjun_nam@daum.net 15. TRANS Revista de Traductología, 19(2), 2015. www.trans.uma.es/trans_19.2.html 16. Between, 9, 2015 – Censura e auto-censura http://ojs.unica.it/index.php/between/index 17. Translation Studies, Nº especial sobre Translingualism & Transculturality in Russian Contexts of Translation http://explore.tandfonline.com/cfp/ah/rtrs-cfp3 18. Translation & Interpreting, 7:3, 2016 www.trans-int.org/index.php/transint/issue/view/38 19. "The translation profession: Centres and peripheries" The Journal of Specialised Translation (Jostrans), Nº. 25, Enero 2016. The Journal of Translation Studies is a joint publication of the Department of Translation of The Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Chinese University Press. Contact: jts.tra@cuhk.edu.hk, james@arts.cuhk.edu.hk 19. Nuevo artículo: "The Invisibility of the African Interpreter" por Jeanne Garane, Translation: a transdisciplinary journal http://translation.fusp.it/. Contact: siri.nergaard@gmail.com.

SOTTOSCRIZIONE ELETTRONICA E VINCOLI DI FORMA La documentazione dei negozi giuridici ha lo scopo di garantire certezza del diritto, ma può rivelarsi impegnativa e costosa. Rapidità ed economicità della documentazione (e, dunque, dello svolgimento degli affari) possono essere perseguite per mezzo di nuove tecnologie tra cui, in particolare, il documento informatico. Esso consiste nella rappresentazione informatica di atti, fatti o dati giuridicamente rilevanti. Se, tuttavia, quanto al documento cartaceo si sono consolidate tecniche che ne assicurano la conservazione e permettono di accertarne integrità ed imputabilità, l'utilizzo dello strumento elettronico fa sorgere dubbi quanto alla sua affidabilità. L'assenza di un supporto fisico, infatti, impedisce di apprezzare direttamente qualunque modifica del contenuto avvenuta — per mano dell'autore o di terzi, o anche non artificialmente — dopo la formazione del documento. Altro rilevante problema è quello di conciliare l'imposizione normativa di un vincolo di forma (scritta) con l'assenza di un documento cartaceo. Il legislatore italiano, su indicazione di quello europeo, ha disciplinato la sottoscrizione elettronica al fine di trovare un equivalente per quella manoscritta. Ordinate da genere a specie e con un crescente valore giuridico, sono previste la "firma elettronica", "elettronica avanzata", "elettronica qualificata" e "digitale". Benché tutte le figure abbiano un loro ruolo nel panorama giuridico, solo la firma digitale (basata su un sistema di chiavi crittografiche, una pubblica e una privata, correlate tra loro) consente di rendere manifesta e di verificare la provenienza e l'integrità di un documento informatico. Per previsione normativa, l'utilizzo di questo strumento soddisfa il requisito della forma scritta e permette la valida stipula anche degli atti che richiedono la più solenne forma dell'atto pubblico. La presenza di una marca temporale (o altro riferimento temporale) dà al documento data certa, opponibile erga omnes. Grazie all'intervento di un "certificatore qualificato" terzo e imparziale (per l'esercizio della cui attività sono previsti stringenti requisiti), è assicurata l'univoca corrispondenza tra dispositivo di firma digitale e suo titolare. È, tuttavia, possibile (benché illecito) che la firma sia materialmente apposta da un soggetto diverso (firma digitale "apocrifa"): sorgono così gravi problemi quanto alla certa imputabilità del documento. Conscio del rischio, il legislatore ha previsto che la riconducibilità della firma digitale al titolare del dispositivo sia solo presunta: quest'ultimo può svincolarsi dal documento fornendo prova contraria. Inoltre, la firma digitale (come qualsiasi firma elettronica) può essere autenticata: in tal caso si ha per riconosciuta e, dunque, non può essere disconosciuta che in esito al vittorioso esperimento della querela di falso. Nella tesi si analizzano gli effetti giuridici derivanti dall'uso abusivo del dispositivo di firma digitale da parte di chi non ne è titolare. Sul titolare della firma — quando l'abuso sia derivato da sua negligenza — grava una responsabilità risarcitoria per la lesione del legittimo affidamento eventualmente riposto da altri sulla valida sottoscrizione del documento. Se, invece, l'uso abusivo è autorizzato dal titolare stesso, il principio dell'"apparenza imputabile" determina che l'atto sia pienamente efficace in capo a lui. Al fine di attenuare il rischio di firma digitale apocrifa, si propone l'utilizzo di tecnologie biometriche, che impediscano pressoché totalmente l'apposizione di una firma da parte di chi non ne sia titolare. Tra i varî strumenti disponibili, quello che meglio garantisce il risultato — a costi e in tempi ragionevoli — sembra essere la "firma digitale autografa", peculiarità della quale è l'analisi della scrittura della firma manoscritta. In ragione della presenza di una sorta di perizia calligrafica anticipata, si riterrebbe corretto considerare come già riconosciuta siffatta sottoscrizione, con la conseguenza di escluderne il disconoscimento se non dietro querela di falso. Si ritiene che la tecnologia proposta determini una perfetta equiparazione concettuale e giuridica tra firma autografa e "firma digitale autografa": entrambe possono considerarsi apposte di mano del sottoscrittore. Ciò può aprire la strada alla documentazione informatica del testamento olografo, con grandi vantaggî dal punto di vista della sua imputabilità, inalterabilità e datazione. Al riguardo, rimangono opportuni ulteriori riflessioni ed un (non imprescindibile ma certamente auspicabile) esplicito intervento del legislatore. ELECTRONIC SIGNATURE AND FORMAL REQUIREMENTS The aim of documenting legal transactions is to ensure the legal certainty, but this activity may turn out to be demanding and expensive. Documentation can be produced more rapidly and at lower costs by using new technologies, amongst which the electronic document, which consists of a computerized representation of juridically relevant acts, facts or data. Nevertheless, while there are well-established best practices to guarantee a paper document's integrity and identity, when using an electronic apparatus doubts regarding its reliability may arise. Indeed, the lack of a physical document makes it impossible to detect any variation of its content, made by its author(s) or a third person, or accidentally. Another serious matter is how to reconcile a formal requirement with the absence of a paper document. The Italian legislator, in accordance with the European law, formulated a regulation regarding the electronic signature, in order to find an equivalent to the handwritten one. Ordered from genus to species and with rising juridical value, we find in law the 'electronic signature', the 'advanced electronic signature', the 'qualified electronic signature' and the 'digital signature'. Although each of the above is relevant in the juridical field, only the digital signature (based on a cryptographic system of two linked keys, one of which is public while the other is private) gives evidence of, and allows to verify, authentication and integrity of an electronic document. As foreseen by law, the use of this instrument complies with the written form requirement and allows the stipulation of acts requiring the more solemn form of a deed under seal. A 'time stamp' gives the document a fixed date, enforceable against third parties. Thanks to the intervention of a 'certification authority' (third and impartial; for the activity of which, strict requirements are foreseen), a direct link is ensured between the digital signature and its owner. In spite of this, it may occur (although forbidden by law) that the signature is used in fact by another person ('forged' digital signature), which can causes serious problems regarding the sure identification of the author of the deed. Aware of this risk, the legislator has only foreseen a rebuttable presumption of use by the owner: the latter can repudiate the signature and challenge the authenticity of the deed by giving evidence of the contrary. Moreover, each electronic signature may be certified by a solicitor or other civil servant: thereafter it cannot be repudiated if not by suing for forgery. In this thesis, the legal effects of a forged digital signature are analysed. If the abuse is due to the signature owner's negligence or malpractice, he is liable for the prejudice of the third party's legitimate expectations in the deed's validity. Conversely, if the abuse is authorised by the signature owner, he is totally bound by the contract, as postulated by the so-called principle of the 'imputable appearance'. In order to minimize risks linked to a forged digital signature, we propose the use of biometrics, which can almost totally exclude any signature except by the legitimate person. Among the various technologies available, the 'autographed digital signature' (based on a system of manual signature examination) seems to be the most streamlined and cost-effective. As it provides a sort of preventive automatic report on handwriting, we believe it is possible and rightful to consider this signature as immediately acknowledged, with the effect that its validity cannot be challenged if not by suing for forgery. We believe that this proposed technology generates a perfect conceptual and juridical equivalence between one's autographed signature and his 'autographed digital signature': both are written by the signatory's own hand. This may pave the way for electronically documenting the holograph will, with great advantages on the subject of its authentication, integrity and datability. However, this matter requires further reflection as well as the explicit intervention of the legislator (not essential but certainly desirable). SIGNATURE ÉLECTRONIQUE ET RÈGLES DE FORME La documentation des transactions juridiques vise à garantir leur sûreté, mais elle peut se révéler laborieuse et dispendieuse. Rapidité et économie de la documentation (et, par conséquent, de la vie commerciale) peuvent être poursuivies au moyen des nouvelles technologies, y compris, en particulier, le document numérique. Il s'agit d'une représentation électronique d'actes, de faits ou de données importants pour le droit. Néanmoins, si des bonnes pratiques ont été établies pour garantir la conservation d'un document papier et en vérifier l'intégrité et l'imputabilité, au contraire l'utilisation de l'instrument électronique soulève des doutes quant à sa fiabilité. L'absence d'un document physique, en effet, rend impossible de s'apercevoir directement d'éventuelles variations de son contenu, provoquées par son(ses) auteur(s) ou par un tiers, ou bien survenues sans intervention humaine. Un autre problème grave est comment concilier l'imposition d'une règle de forme (écrite) à l'absence d'un document papier. Le législateur italien, sous la pression de celui européen, a règlementé les signatures électroniques afin de trouver un équivalent à celle manuscrite. Dans un ordre genre/espèce et avec une valeur juridique croissante, la loi codifie une « signature électronique », une « signature électronique avancée », une « signature électronique qualifiée » et une « signature numérique ». Même si chacune d'entre elles a son rôle juridique, seule la signature numérique (basée sur un système cryptographique de deux clés liées, dont l'une est publique et l'autre privée) permets de garantir l'intégrité d'un document électronique et d'en authentifier l'auteur. Comme prévu par la loi, l'utilisation de cet instrument respectes la règle de la forme écrite et permet la stipulation d'actes nécessitant la forme plus solennelle d'une écriture notariée. Un « horodatage » donne au document une date exacte, opposable aux tiers. Grâce à l'intervention d'une « autorité de certification qualifiée » (sujet tiers et équitable ; pour l'exercice de l'activité de laquelle, des conditions strictes sont exigées), un lien univoque est assuré entre le dispositif de signature numérique et son propriétaire. Il est toutefois possible (quoique interdit par la loi) que la signature est utilisée en fait par une autre personne (signature numérique « apocryphe »), ce qui entraîne de problèmes sérieux pour l'identification irréfutable de l'auteur de l'acte. Conscient de ce risque, le législateur n'a prévu qu'une présomption relative d'utilisation par le propriétaire : il peut donner la preuve contraire et ainsi répudier la signature et contester l'authenticité de l'acte. Aussi, chaque signature électronique peut être légalisée par un notaire ou un autre agent publique : dans ce cas, elle ne peut pas être répudiée, que par procédure d'inscription de faux. Dans ce mémoire nous analysons les effets juridiques résultant d'une signature numérique apocryphe. Le titulaire de la signature, lorsque l'abus est dérivée de sa négligence ou faute, a une responsabilité civile pour le préjudice subi par les tiers qui ont légitimement fait confiance sur la validité de l'acte. Si, toutefois, l'utilisation abusive est autorisée par le propriétaire, il est totalement lié par le contrat, selon la « théorie de l'apparence ». Afin de minimiser les risques liés à une signature numérique apocryphe, nous proposons l'utilisation des technologies biométriques, qui peuvent presque totalement exclure qu'une signature soit apposée par qui n'est pas autorisé. Parmi les différentes outils disponibles, la « signature numérique autographe » (basée sur un système d'analyse de la signature manuscrite) semble assurer le mieux le résultat, à des coûts et dans un délai raisonnables. Comme elle fournit une sorte d'expertise automatique et préventive en l'écriture de la signature manuelle, nous pensons correct que sa validité ne puisse pas être contestée que par procédure d'inscription de faux. Nous croyons que cette technologie proposée entraîne une équivalence conceptuelle et juridique parfaite entre la signature autographe et la « signature numérique autographe », car les deux sont écrites de la main du signataire. Cela pourrait ouvrir la voie à la documentation électronique du testament olographe, avec de grands avantages du point de vue de son authentification, intégrité et datation. Toutefois, cette question nécessite une réflexion plus approfondie ainsi que l'intervention explicite du législateur (pas indispensable mais certainement souhaitable).

Der Focus dieser Arbeit liegt auf den strategischen Reaktionen deutscher Städte (insbesondere Stadtpolitik und Stadtverwaltung) auf den demographischen Wandel als ein gesamtdeutsches gesellschaftliches Phänomen, welches sich räumlich differenziert darstellt. Was sind vor diesem Hintergrund die wahrgenommenen Probleme und wie gehen die Städte damit um? Was sind handlungsleitende Strategien? Im Rahmen des Dissertationsvorhabens wurden 122 Städte bezüglich der Fragestellungen untersucht (Auswertung der demographischen Daten, Recherche auf den Homepages der Städte, Analyse der Neujahrsansprachen der Oberbürgermeister, Untersuchung der explizit artikulierten Strategien der Städte in Form von Stadtentwicklungs- und Integrationskonzepten). Die breite Auswahl empirischer Ergebnisse in der Art eines Surveys ergänzt die auf Fallstudien basierenden Forschungen zum demographischen Wandel in Deutschland. Die demographischen Veränderungen werden im Allgemeinen von den Städten als Herausforderung erkannt und auch thematisiert (in 50 von 104 Neujahrsansprachen explizit erwähnt). Die Städte stellen sich der Herausforderung, wollen aktiv in das Geschehen eingreifen: einerseits am Verteilungskampf um Bevölkerung teilhaben/den Trend umkehren und sich aktiv um Bevölkerungszuwanderung bemühen; andererseits die mit dem Wandel einhergehenden Probleme bewältigen und gegebenenfalls die Strukturen an die neue Situation anpassen. 60 von 122 Städten verzeichnen schon jetzt einen Rückgang ihrer Bevölkerung, 62 haben noch Bevölkerungswachstum. Wahrgenommene Probleme bezüglich des Bevölkerungsrückganges sind in erster Linie Leerstände im Wohnbereich, der geringere Anteil an jüngeren Menschen, unterausgelastete soziale und technische Infrastruktur sowie eine steigende Pro-Kopf-Verschuldung der Einwohner. Strategien der Städte im Umgang mit dem Bevölkerungsrückgang sind in erster Linie eine aktivierende Familienpolitik (z.B. Familienfreundliche Stadt, Bauland für Familien, Bündnis für Familie, Familienpass, bessere Vereinbarkeit von Beruf und Familie), der Ausbau der Bildungs- und Betreuungseinrichtungen (z.B. Ganztagsschulen, Betriebskindergärten, Krippen, etc.) sowie der Stadtumbau zur Anpassung der Strukturen an die sich ändernden Rahmenbedingungen. Bei 58 von 122 Städten findet sich das Thema Alterung auf den Internetseiten der Städte wieder. In diesem Zusammenhang werden besonders die Herausforderungen im Umgang mit der Bereitstellung einer altersgerechten Infrastruktur und einer optimalen Gesundheitsversorgung herausgestellt. Bezüglich der Strategien überwiegen Ansätze zur Verbesserung der Pflegesituation und des seniorengerechten Wohnens (z.B. betreutes Wohnen, Mehrgenerationenhaus), aber auch der Wissenstransfer von Alt zu Jung soll gefördert werden. Desweiteren werden in 111 von 122 Städten die Belange der älteren Mitbürger von sogenannten Seniorenbeiräten vertreten. Dass der Teilaspekt der Heterogenisierung einen zentralen Aspekt darstellt, zeigen die Ergebnisse der Interneterhebung – bei 108 von 122 Städten fanden sich Treffer zum Thema Integration. Der Ausländeranteil in den untersuchten Städten liegt zwischen 1,4 Prozent in Gera und 25,1 Prozent in Offenbach. Trotz der Integrationsbemühungen vieler Städte zeigen sich doch vielschichtige Probleme – Sprachprobleme, geringe berufliche Qualifizierung, Rückzug der Migranten in Nischenwelten (Segregation, Herausbildung von Parallelgesellschaften), hohe Arbeitslosigkeit, kein Wahrnehmen der Integrationsangebote (z.B. Integrationskurse) und auch Ausländerfeindlichkeit und Rechtsextremismus. Dem allen versuchen die Städte zu begegnen – in erster Linie in ihrer Sprache, indem sie sich als weltoffen und tolerant bezeichnen. Desweiteren setzen sich für die Belange der ausländischen Mitbürger in 90 Städten sogenannte Aus-länderbeiräte oder auch Integrationsbeiräte ein. In 25 Städten gibt es anstelle eines Beirates - oder zusätzlich - einen Integrationsbeauftragten. 14 von 122 Städten besitzen weder einen Beirat noch einen Integrationsbeauftragten. 50 Städte weisen schon explizit artikulierte Strategien in Form von Integrationskonzepten auf. Bei 28 weiteren Städten ist ein solches Konzept in Arbeit. Die Sprachförderung wird in den meisten Konzepten als Schlüssel zu Bildung und Integration angesehen. Weitere Strategien sind die Förderung der Arbeitsmarktintegration, die interkulturelle Öffnung und die Partizipation am öffentlichen Leben. Bei der Zusammenführung der sektoralen Strategien der Fachämter in eine übergeordnete für die Gesamtstadt geltende Strategie, leisten 'Integrierte Stadtentwicklungskonzepte' bereits in 70 Städten einen wichtigen Beitrag. Durch ein abgestimmtes Vorgehen können aufgrund der geringeren Finanzausstattung der Kommunen Prioritäten gesetzt und Handlungsschwerpunkte festgelegt werden. Nur ein solch integrierter Ansatz wird es den Städten in Zukunft ermöglichen, ihre Handlungsfähigkeit zu bewahren.:1 Einleitung 3 1.1 Demographischer Wandel und Strategien der Stadtentwicklung – Stand der Diskussion 3 1.2 Problemstellung und Forschungsfragen 8 1.3 Allgemeiner Bezugsrahmen der Arbeit 9 1.4 Empirischer Bezugsrahmen 10 1.4.1 Untersuchungsgegenstand 10 1.4.2 Erhebungsmethoden 12 1.5 Aufbau der Arbeit 16 2 Die Stadt im Kontext des demographischen Wandels 17 2.1 Die Stadt 17 2.1.1 Akteure, Akteurskonstellationen und institutioneller Rahmen 17 2.1.2 Organisation 22 2.1.3 Aufgaben 23 2.2 Der demographische Wandel und die Theorie der zweiten demographischen Transformation 25 2.3 Stadt und Bevölkerungsrückgang – "die schrumpfende Stadt baut um" 28 2.3.1 Wir werden "Weniger" 28 2.3.2 Probleme, Folgen und räumliche Auswirkungen 31 2.3.3 Strategien und Handlungsansätze 38 2.4 Stadt und Alterung – "die alternde Stadt zieht um" 48 2.4.1 Wir werden "Älter" 48 2.4.2 Probleme, Folgen und räumliche Auswirkungen 54 2.4.3 Strategien und Handlungsansätze 55 2.5 Stadt und Internationalisierung – "die bunte Stadt denkt um" 59 2.5.1 Wir werden "Bunter" 59 2.5.2 Probleme, Folgen und räumliche Auswirkungen 61 2.5.3 Strategien und Handlungsansätze 63 2.6 Reurbanisierung – die Lösung für die schrumpfende, alternde und weltoffene Stadt 65 3 Pläne, Strategien und der Beitrag integrierter Stadtentwicklungskonzepte 67 3.1 Strategische Planung oder Planung mit Strategien? 68 3.2 Strategische Planung im Umgang mit dem demographischen Wandel 73 4 Reaktionen deutscher Städte 75 4.1 Wir werden weniger, älter und bunter 76 4.2 Problemwahrnehmung der Städte – aktuelle Herausforderungen 79 4.2.1 Die Herausforderung des demographischen Wandels 81 4.2.2 Bevölkerungsrückgang ist keine Chance 81 4.2.3 Wir werden älter – ein Traum wird wahr? 84 4.2.4 Kulturelle Vielfalt ist nicht nur eine Bereicherung 86 4.3 Handlungsleitende Strategien – Pläne und Konzepte im Umgang mit dem demographischen Wandel 88 4.3.1 Die Kinder- und familienfreundliche Stadt 94 4.3.1.1 Bessere Vereinbarkeit von Familie und Beruf 97 4.3.1.2 Attraktives Wohnen in der Stadt 100 4.3.1.3 Sprachrohre für Kinder und Familien 103 4.3.1.4 Städtische Hilfen 106 4.3.2 Die seniorenfreundliche Stadt 108 4.3.2.1 Lebenslanges Lernen, die Potentiale der Alten und das Ehrenamt 109 4.3.2.2 Wohnen im Alter 111 4.3.2.3 Sprachrohre für Senioren 113 4.3.2.4 Angebote und Hilfen für Senioren 114 4.3.3 Die ausländerfreundliche und weltoffene Stadt 117 4.3.3.1 Sprache als Schlüssel zu Bildung und Arbeit 122 4.3.3.2 Wohnen und Migranten – Integration auf Stadtteilebene 125 4.3.3.3 Sprachrohre und Hilfen für Migranten 129 4.3.4 Die Stadtumbaustadt – nicht mehr nur ein ostdeutsches Phänomen 133 4.3.4.1 Chancen für die Städte 134 4.3.4.2 Rückbau- und Anpassungstrategien – Entwicklung findet 'Innenstadt' 135 4.3.5 Strategische Stadtplanung – ein Hilfsmittel im Wandel? 140 4.3.5.1 Wir brauchen Strategien 140 4.3.5.2 Die Entwicklung von Strategien – Vorgehen nach Plan 141 4.3.5.3 Der Beitrag integrierter Stadtentwicklungskonzepte 146 5 Zusammenfassende Schlussfolgerungen und Perspektiven 155 6 Quellenverzeichnis 167 6.1 Literatur 167 6.2 Dokumente 186 6.2.1 Reden der Oberbürgermeister/innen 186 6.2.2 Stadtentwicklungskonzepte 198 6.2.3 Integrationskonzepte 201 6.3 Internetseiten der Städte 204 6.4 Telefoninterviews 206 7 Abbildungsverzeichnis 212 ; The focus of this work lies on strategic reactions of German cities (in particular city politics and city council) to the phenomenon of demographic change, which appears spatially differentiated. What are the problems perceived in the recent past? How do cities deal with these problems? What are the strategies pursued? Answers to these questions will be given based on an empirical research of 122 mostly large and medium-sized county-free cities in Germany (analysis and interpretation of demographic data, internet research on city homepages, content analysis of New year's speeches of city mayors, content analysis of established strategies in the form of city development concepts and concepts dealing with the integration of immigrants). The broad range of empirical findings in the manner of a survey complements demographic research in Germany that is mainly based on case studies. Most of the German cities recognize demographic change as the main challenge in the near and further future and pick it out as a central theme in city development (in 50 out of 104 New Year's speeches it was explicitly mentioned). The cities rise to that challenge and are willing to do everything within their power: On the one hand they try to gain population by striving immigration (especially young families), on the other hand they want to deal with the problems that come along with populations loss, ageing and a high percentage of foreigners and adjust city structures to the new developments. 60 out of 122 cities are already affected by population loss, 62 still have a growing population. Perceived problems regarding this matter are primarily the high vacancy rates on the housing market, the small share of young people, less utilization of social and technical infrastructure and the increasing per-capita debt (fewer inhabitants lead to less income and less allocation of funds from the German federation and Länder).To become or to be child and family-friendly is one of the main pursued strategies of cities to confront population decline and ageing. In detail cities follow an activating family policy: they provide beneficial land for building for families, participate in the national program 'Alliance for Families', and give benefits concerning leisure activities. Further strategies concern the development of the urban social infrastructure as fulltime schools, day care and nursery schools to provide a better support in reconciliation of work and family life. For the adjustment of a city's social and technical infrastructure as well as the housing market, funds for urban redevelopment are widely used. On 58 out of 122 city homepages the issue of ageing has been picked out as an important theme. In this regard especially the challenges concerning an age-appropriate infrastructure and health care have been emphasized. So cities strive for a better health care provision for older people (outpatient care, home care, new forms of foster homes) as well as senior-friendly housing (e.g. assisted living, 'Multi-Generational Homes') and the knowledge transfer between different generations (e.g. the elderly and the young). Besides those strategies 111 cities have an elected advisory council for senior citizens that stand up for the concerns of older people. Looking at the aspect of integration of immigrants it can be seen that this issue really concerns city officials. Not only that issue-related hits could be found on 108 city homepages, but also the number of perceived problems and developed concepts makes integration an important aspect in dealing with the consequences of demographic change. The share of immigrants in German cities shows significant differences between East and West Germany – it varies between 1.4 percent in the City of Gera and 25.1 percent in the City of Offenbach. Despite numerous integration efforts cities are confronted with severe and complex problems – like language problems, low professional qualification levels and little career opportunities, high unemployment rates of immigrants, development of parallel societies/immigrant communities (segregation), missing acceptation of integration offers (language courses etc.) and xenophobia. Dealing with these problems cities firstly want to be seen as cosmopolitan, multi cultural and tolerant. Secondly numerous cities (90) established an advisory board for foreigners or so called integration agents (25) that regard the interests and suggestions of immigrants. Thirdly the cities developed (50) or are still working on concepts (28) dealing with the integration of immigrants. The promotion of language skills is in most concepts seen as 'the key' to education and integration. Further strategies are employment promotion and integration in the local labor market, cross-cultural communication and competence and the participation in public life. For the integration of all kinds of sectoral strategies in an overall strategy for the entire city, city development processes and concepts have been a big help in dealing with demographic change in 70 cities. Due to the financial crisis, the coordination of interests enables city officials to assign priorities and key aspects of activity. This approach will be necessary, if German cities want to keep their capacity to act in the future.:1 Einleitung 3 1.1 Demographischer Wandel und Strategien der Stadtentwicklung – Stand der Diskussion 3 1.2 Problemstellung und Forschungsfragen 8 1.3 Allgemeiner Bezugsrahmen der Arbeit 9 1.4 Empirischer Bezugsrahmen 10 1.4.1 Untersuchungsgegenstand 10 1.4.2 Erhebungsmethoden 12 1.5 Aufbau der Arbeit 16 2 Die Stadt im Kontext des demographischen Wandels 17 2.1 Die Stadt 17 2.1.1 Akteure, Akteurskonstellationen und institutioneller Rahmen 17 2.1.2 Organisation 22 2.1.3 Aufgaben 23 2.2 Der demographische Wandel und die Theorie der zweiten demographischen Transformation 25 2.3 Stadt und Bevölkerungsrückgang – "die schrumpfende Stadt baut um" 28 2.3.1 Wir werden "Weniger" 28 2.3.2 Probleme, Folgen und räumliche Auswirkungen 31 2.3.3 Strategien und Handlungsansätze 38 2.4 Stadt und Alterung – "die alternde Stadt zieht um" 48 2.4.1 Wir werden "Älter" 48 2.4.2 Probleme, Folgen und räumliche Auswirkungen 54 2.4.3 Strategien und Handlungsansätze 55 2.5 Stadt und Internationalisierung – "die bunte Stadt denkt um" 59 2.5.1 Wir werden "Bunter" 59 2.5.2 Probleme, Folgen und räumliche Auswirkungen 61 2.5.3 Strategien und Handlungsansätze 63 2.6 Reurbanisierung – die Lösung für die schrumpfende, alternde und weltoffene Stadt 65 3 Pläne, Strategien und der Beitrag integrierter Stadtentwicklungskonzepte 67 3.1 Strategische Planung oder Planung mit Strategien? 68 3.2 Strategische Planung im Umgang mit dem demographischen Wandel 73 4 Reaktionen deutscher Städte 75 4.1 Wir werden weniger, älter und bunter 76 4.2 Problemwahrnehmung der Städte – aktuelle Herausforderungen 79 4.2.1 Die Herausforderung des demographischen Wandels 81 4.2.2 Bevölkerungsrückgang ist keine Chance 81 4.2.3 Wir werden älter – ein Traum wird wahr? 84 4.2.4 Kulturelle Vielfalt ist nicht nur eine Bereicherung 86 4.3 Handlungsleitende Strategien – Pläne und Konzepte im Umgang mit dem demographischen Wandel 88 4.3.1 Die Kinder- und familienfreundliche Stadt 94 4.3.1.1 Bessere Vereinbarkeit von Familie und Beruf 97 4.3.1.2 Attraktives Wohnen in der Stadt 100 4.3.1.3 Sprachrohre für Kinder und Familien 103 4.3.1.4 Städtische Hilfen 106 4.3.2 Die seniorenfreundliche Stadt 108 4.3.2.1 Lebenslanges Lernen, die Potentiale der Alten und das Ehrenamt 109 4.3.2.2 Wohnen im Alter 111 4.3.2.3 Sprachrohre für Senioren 113 4.3.2.4 Angebote und Hilfen für Senioren 114 4.3.3 Die ausländerfreundliche und weltoffene Stadt 117 4.3.3.1 Sprache als Schlüssel zu Bildung und Arbeit 122 4.3.3.2 Wohnen und Migranten – Integration auf Stadtteilebene 125 4.3.3.3 Sprachrohre und Hilfen für Migranten 129 4.3.4 Die Stadtumbaustadt – nicht mehr nur ein ostdeutsches Phänomen 133 4.3.4.1 Chancen für die Städte 134 4.3.4.2 Rückbau- und Anpassungstrategien – Entwicklung findet 'Innenstadt' 135 4.3.5 Strategische Stadtplanung – ein Hilfsmittel im Wandel? 140 4.3.5.1 Wir brauchen Strategien 140 4.3.5.2 Die Entwicklung von Strategien – Vorgehen nach Plan 141 4.3.5.3 Der Beitrag integrierter Stadtentwicklungskonzepte 146 5 Zusammenfassende Schlussfolgerungen und Perspektiven 155 6 Quellenverzeichnis 167 6.1 Literatur 167 6.2 Dokumente 186 6.2.1 Reden der Oberbürgermeister/innen 186 6.2.2 Stadtentwicklungskonzepte 198 6.2.3 Integrationskonzepte 201 6.3 Internetseiten der Städte 204 6.4 Telefoninterviews 206 7 Abbildungsverzeichnis 212

The November 3rd election for governor in Virginia is making headlines, as Obama rallies for Democratic candidate Creigh Deeds at Old Dominion University this week, in a last- ditch effort to close the gap that separates him from Republican candidate Robert McDonnell.Taking place in an "off" year, this race is considered a harbinger of next year's mid-term legislative elections, which in turn are a referendum on the popularity of the President himself. That is why it is being closely monitored by both parties and the media. The so-called "Old Dominion" has occupied a central role in the political history of the country since its early beginnings, through the Civil war and the Civil Rights movement of the 60s. Its state government, with the country's oldest legislature, has consistently been ranked first in effectiveness among all 50 states. Virginians are politically savvy and their voting trends are considered of national significance. For example, in 1989 Virginia was the first state to elect an African-American as governor. In the last eight years, while still remaining a red state that voted Republican in national elections, it chose two consecutive Democratic governors. In the historical 2009 election, as a reflection of important demographic changes in the age and diversity of its voters, Virginia became a swing state: Barack Obama carried the state, and today Virginia's two Senate seats are occupied by Democrats. In spite of its importance as a bellwether of national politics, the contest for Governor this year has been a lackluster race, characterized by two candidates with little or no charisma, one of which had a clear advantage from the beginning. Indeed, for Republican Bob Mc Donnell the race has been easier from the start, since he faced no opposition during the primary season. He has therefore had enormous financial support from his party and has used the national debate on government spending to his advantage, capitalizing on public discontent with the lack of tangible results of Obama's economic rescue plan on Main Street America. McDonnell has assailed his opponent aggressively as a tax-and-spend Democrat who, if elected, would run the state finances to the ground regardless of the cost to Virginians. Thanks to his party's financial support he has been able to conduct an overwhelming TV advertising campaign focused on his own and his daughter's military career (a smart decision in a state with large military bases and an even larger defense establishment), his concern for job creation programs and support for small businesses.In contrast to his opponent, Democratic candidate Creigh Deeds had to face a tough three-way primary election this past summer, against Terry McAuliffe, a prominent party man who headed Hillary Clinton's campaign last year, and Brian Moran, a county prosecutor and Virginia House delegate. In spite of running a poor campaign with sparse staff and minimum resources, and of being outspent by at least one of his opponents (McAuliffe) two-to-one, Deeds, who had trailed in the polls for most of the race, finally won by a surprisingly wide margin (50%-26%-24%). The current governor race is a re-match of the Attorney General race of 2005, which was very close and McDonnell finally won by a mere 320 votes. Asked about it, Deeds says that he holds no grudge against his opponent. Deeds, a state senator from Bath County with a strong Southern rural accent, is an honest but rather bumbling character, with tousled hair, a disheveled appearance, and a tendency to give muddled answers to questions. In contrast, Mc Donnell, a fit- looking former Army officer and prosecutor with strong ties to the Christian Right leader Pat Robertson, has run an orderly campaign, focusing mainly on issues that affect Virginians such as transportation and taxes, but also on the spending habits of national figures such as House and Senate leaders, Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid. Indeed, Deeds has complained in interviews that his campaign has been negatively affected by the spending plans of the Democrats inside the Beltway.In contrast to McDonnell's more general approach at attacking everything Democratic, Deeds has based his advertising campaign on more personal attacks, mainly aimed at McDonnell's 1989 master thesis in which he expressed ultra-conservative views on women, homosexuals and abortion. This is a tactic that may backfire as people are tired of negative advertising.In later ads, Deeds has tried to portray his opponent as telling "untruths" and changing his policy position belatedly and dishonestly, only in pursuit of votes (the "flip-flop" strategy). Although still negative, these were more tailored to issues that matter to Virginians. For example, in arguably the most important policy issue the next Governor will face, namely, that of changing the redistricting state laws, McDonnell clearly changed his opinion once he decided to run for governor and now supports reform. 2010 is a Census year, and based on the Census results, state legislatures will engage in the decennial process of re-drawing political borders. In Virginia, the present system is skewed in favor of incumbents. There has been an important movement led by the League of Women Voters to reform the process so that redistricting is carried out by a bipartisan commission and not by the party in power. Deeds supports this reform, as do most Virginians, but McDonnell was against it until this year. Thus, the flip-flop allegation may prove to be a better angle of attack for Deeds than McDonnell's 20-year-old thesis on the role of women in society, although those negative ads have certainly gotten the attention of many young and professional women who will now come out and vote for Deeds.Nonetheless, Deeds faces an up-hill battle for several reasons. Besides the advantage of an early start in fund-raising and campaigning, the whole Republican Party has rallied around McDonnell, who is perceived as a strong candidate that could initiate a much needed turnaround in the fortunes of the party. He has campaigned with McCain and will campaign with Mitt Romney next week. He is more articulate, better organized and a smoother debater than his opponent, and has known how to capitalize on the public discontent with Washington. He has run on a basic platform of job creation and lower taxes to favor small businesses, and would subsidize the urgently needed transportation projects by the novel idea of selling off state-owned liquor stores to private owners. (In Virginia, one can only buy hard liquor and spirits at state-owned dispensers called ABC stores, which are closed on Sundays).In contrast, Deeds, a cerebral policy wonk who does not shy away from intricate ideas and well thought out plans, and who does not speak in sound bites or buzz words, appears less eloquent and not as good a communicator. Although neither is a brilliant debater, during the live debates McDonnell looked more competent, less flustered and less tentative in his responses. In addition, Deeds has not been able to unite the party behind him. Former Virginia Governor Douglass Wilder, the first African-American to occupy that office in the United States, has refused to endorse Deeds in spite of a plea from Obama to do so. The two men disagree on tax policy and gun control. The Democratic candidate has acknowledged he would raise taxes to pay for the transportation projects, while Wilder denounces his plan as reckless, given the state of the economy. On a totally different issue, they are also at odds. Deeds (perhaps because he represents Bath County, a rural district of Virginia) supports the repeal of a state gun-law that restricts the amounts of guns Virginians can purchase. Wilder, as do most Democrats, would like that law to stand. This kind of contradiction –in favor of higher taxes (a fiscally progressive stance) but against gun control (a conservative position) sums up of the kind of candidate Deeds is and explains why he has not gained the support of all Democrats. Ironically, the Republicans have been hailing Wilder's refusal to endorse Deeds on account of his stand on higher taxes, but they avoid mentioning the gun control issue, on which they would be obliged to concur with Deeds.On Tuesday October 27th, exactly one week before the election, President Obama held a rally with Deeds at the Constant Center at Old Dominion University, in front of a crowd of 6,000. This represented a last effort by Obama to rescue Deeds by persuading the youth and African Americans to vote next Tuesday. It was only the second time the President campaigned for Deeds: he had done so once at the beginning of the campaign, in Northern Virginia. Clearly, Obama understands the difficulties his party will face in the 2010 mid-term elections. The man earns his paycheck: this past week alone he has raised money for Democratic congressional candidates in Miami, New York, Massachusetts and Connecticut. He then rallied for incumbent Governor Corzine who faces a tough re-election battle in New Jersey and finally for Deeds in Southeastern Virginia. Some say that by spending so much time on the road doing the bidding for his party, the President loses credibility as an agent of change. But no one should underestimate Obama's capacity to handle many issues at the same time. As his meteoric rise in politics proves, he is methodical, disciplined and always focused on a long-term strategy.Obama is quite aware that if his party loses seats in the 2010 elections, his own agenda and indeed, his own chances at re-election in 2012 will be in jeopardy. And as an avid student of political history, he knows that since the 1930s there were only two cases in which the sitting President's party did not lose seats in a mid-term election, so the odds are unmistakably against the Democrats. In the case of Virginia's gubernatorial races, a similar phenomenon has been unfolding: in the last eight consecutive elections, governors have been elected from the party opposite to the one in the White House. To these historical precedents, one must add the state of the economy today, the fact that unemployment is running at 10% and that public opinion is showing high levels of discontent with political parties and politicians in general. (The president is still exempt from this malaise, at least for now, with last week's polls showing his support at 57%). Also, another factor that will weigh in on next year elections is that those independents in traditionally Republican-leaning districts who voted for Democratic candidates in 2006 and 2008 as a result of the anti-Bush backlash may very easily reverse that trend by voting Republican next year.Very mindful of these challenges, Obama is exerting himself to the utmost to reap at least some early wins that would give new direction to the public mood. In health care reform he seems to be very close to victory. A win in the gubernatorial races would certainly reinforce that trend and give some positive signals for 2010.In Virginia, this election will also test the depth of that transformation from red state to swing state. The main trial for Democrats is to get people energized enough to go to the polls next Tuesday. After eight years out of the Governor's mansion in Richmond, this time Republicans are much more attuned to the gubernatorial race than Democrats, and they are also much more enthusiastic about their candidate than Democrats are about Deeds. All eyes are therefore on Virginia. The last Rasmussen Reports taken a few hours after Obama's visit, found McDonnell at 54% to 41% for Deeds, with 4% undecided. Creigh Deeds has run as the underdog before and recovered in time to win. He may still surprise us again, but this time he needs a miracle.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia