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accessible online: http://genrehistoire.revues.org/1872 this article focuses on how the various Catholic women's movements, born before 1914, were brought together. The main material to which the analysis relates comes from the rich documentation deposited at the Vaticano secret archives, namely the Extraordinary ecclesiastical Affairs Fund, that of the State Secretary and the French Non-ciature Fund for the period in question. A first point relates to the birth of movements, emphasising the role of a secular female institute linked to the Compagnie de Jésus. Initially informal, these networks are becoming more official with the birth of the International Federation of Catholic Female Leagues. The war marks a halt in the links between members of the warring countries. However, women's networks remain and will be reactivated after war, under the control of the Holy See. This mobilisation is part of the wider process of transformation of the Church into a state institution recognised by the Latran Agreements (1929) and as a religious institution, the centre of Catholicity. ; accessible en ligne : http://genrehistoire.revues.org/1872 Cet article est consacré à la manière dont le rassemblement des différents mouvements féminins catholiques, nés avant 1914, s'est opérée. Le matériau principal sur lequel porte l'analyse provient de la riche documentation déposée aux Archives secrètes vaticanes, à savoir le fonds des Affaires ecclésiastiques extraordinaires, celui de la Secrétairerie d'État et celui de la nonciature de France pour la période concernée. Un premier point porte sur la naissance des mouvements, en insistant sur le rôle d'un institut séculier féminin lié à la Compagnie de Jésus. D'abord informels, ces réseaux prennent une allure plus officielle avec la naissance de la Fédération internationale des ligues féminines catholiques. La guerre marque un arrêt dans les liens entre membres des pays belligérants. Cependant, les réseaux féminins demeurent et seront réactivés après guerre, sous le contrôle du ...

Rad donosi podatke o Samueleu Mayländeru (1866. – 1925.), socijalističkom vođi kasnohabsburške Rijeke, i njegovoj obitelji. Mayländeri su bili podrijetlom židovi iz jugozapadne Ugarske, doseljeni u Rijeku krajem 19. stoljeća. Doseljeni Mayländeri uspješno seintegriraju i asimiliraju u riječko i sjevernojadransko građansko društvo, neki udajom za pripadnike građanskih obitelji i obraćenjem na katoličku vjeroispovijest, a drugi uspješnim poslovnim karijerama. Zbog pomanjkanja primarne građe teško je dati odgovor na jezične prakse među pripadnicima obitelji. Ipak, iz objavljenih nekrologa u riječkim novinama, dokumentacije iz gimnazijskih dana i bračnih veza može se zaključiti kako je obitelj bila višejezična. Istraživanje je biografije samoga Samuelea Mayländera problematično jer, također, ne posjedujemo građu iz koje možemo neposredno razabrati njegove političke, nacionalne ili vjerske preferencije. Svakako, Samuele Mayländer bio je socijalističkoga opredjeljenja, kasnije i prvi predsjednik Komunističke partije Rijeka, ali i ličnost koja je bila pod utjecajem dominantne riječke talijanske kulturne paradigme. Studij medicine u Beču, javna angažiranost i politička aktivnost ukazuju na Mayländerova opredjeljenja, ali, kao i ugarsko židovsko obiteljsko podrijetlo, i na njegovu višejezičnost. Na kraju, rad prati biografske podatke o Pavlu Kirchenknopfu, metalurškom radniku rodom iz Ugarske, koji početkom 20. stoljeća doseljava u Pulu i kasnije s obitelji u Rijeku. U Rijeci je Pavle Kirchenknopf označen kao socijalistički, odnosno komunistički aktivist i takav zapamćen od lokalne historiografije. Biografija Pavla Kirchenknopfa korisna je za propitkivanje spoznaja o osobama radničkoga podrijetla i pitanja njihovih jezičnih praksi. Prema sporadičnoj građi, iz matičnih knjiga rođenih u Puli i migracijama Kirchenknopfa može se pretpostaviti kako se obitelj služila s više jezika. Zaključno, rad ukazuje na to kako pored pitanja višejezičnosti, socijalne i ekonomske teškoće trebaju biti uzete u obzir u društvenim i kulturnim povijestima sjevernoga Jadrana u kasnohabsburškom razdoblju, teškoće koje ostaju u pozadini idealiziranjem višejezičnoga habsburškog svijeta. ; The article provides data on Samuele Mayländer (1866–1925), socialist leader in late Habsburg Fiume/Rijeka, and his family. The Mayländer family were Jews from southwestern Hungary who had settled in Rijeka at the end of the nineteenth century. Following their move, the Mayländers successfully integrated and assimilated into the bourgeois society of Fiume/Rijeka and the northern Adriatic, some marrying members of bourgeois families and converting to Roman Catholicism, others having successful professional careers. The lack of primary sources makes it difficult to delineate language use among members of the family. However, through quoted obituaries in Rijeka's newspapers, data of the local gymnasium, and marriages, it can be concluded that the family was multilingual. Research on Samuele Mayländer's biography in particular is problematic since, again, there are no primary sources to understand his national, religious, or political preferences. However, it is clear that Samuele was a dedicated socialist. Later in life, he was the first president of Fiume/Rijeka's communist party, but also someone under the influence of Fiume/ Rijeka's dominant Italian cultural paradigm. His medical studies in Vienna, his public engagement and political activities, display Mayländer's sympathies, but also his Hungarian Jewish family background, his multilingualism. Finally, the article follows the biographic data of Paolo Kirchenknopf, a metal worker from Hungary who, at the beginning of the twentieth century, emigrated to Pula, and with his family later moved to Fiume/Rijeka. In Fiume/Rijeka, Kirchenknopf is marked as a socialist – more precisely as a communist activist – and is remembered as such in local historiography. The biography of Kirchenknopf is useful in that it allows one to gain knowledge about figures from working-class backgrounds and their linguistic practices. Based on various, scattered sources – from records of birth in Pula and Kirchenknopf's migrations – it can be estimated that this family used more than one language. In conclusion, the article points out how, aside from the question of multilingualism, social and economic difficulties have to be taken into account in the social and cultural histories of the northern Adriatic in the late Habsburg period – difficulties that remain in the background by idealizing the multilinguistic Habsburg world. ; Il saggio offre notizie su Samuele Mayländer (1866–1925) leader socialista della Fiume tardo asburgica e sulla sua famiglia. I Mayländer erano ebrei originari dall'Ungheria sudoccidentale, immigrati a Fiume verso la fine del 19 secolo. Gli immigrati Mayländer si integrano e assimilano con successo nella società borghese fiumana e nord adriatica alcuni sposandosi con membri di famiglie borghesi e convertendosi al cattolicesimo, altri intraprendendo carriere di successo. Causa la mancanza di fonti primarie è difficile desumere le pratiche linguistiche dei membri della famiglia. Tramite necrologi pubblicati nei giornali fiumani, documenti del periodo ginnasiale e i matrimoni, è possibile desumere che la famiglia era plurilinguistica. La ricerca sulla biografia di Samuele Mayländer è pure problematica perché non possediamo documentazione che possa in modo diretto farci desumere le sue preferenze politiche, nazionali, religiose o politiche. Certamente, Samuele Mayländer si considerava socialista, successivamente fu primo presidente del Partito comunista di Fiume, ma anche una personalità influenzata dal paradigma culturale italiano fiumano. Lo studio di medicina a Vienna, l'impegno pubblico e l'attività politica, dimostrano le simpatie del Mayländer ma, come le sue origini famigliari ebraiche ungheresi, anche il suo plurilinguismo. Infine, l'articolo segue i dati biografici su Paolo Kirchenkopf, operaio metallurgico originario dall'Ungheria che all'inizio del 20 secolo emigra a Pola e di seguito, con la famiglia, a Fiume. A Fiume Paolo Kirchenkopf è etichettato come attivista socialista ossia comunista e come tale ricordato dalla locale storiografia. La biografia di Paolo Kirchenkopf è utile per conoscere le biografie delle persone di estrazione operaia e la questione della loro passi linguistica. In base a documentazione sporadica, libri di nascita di Pola e le migrazioni dei Kirchenknopf, si può ipotizzare che la famiglia si serviva di più lingue. In conclusione, il lavoro indica come accanto alla questione del plurilinguismo le difficoltà sociali ed economiche devono essere prese in considerazione nelle storie sociali e culturali dell'alto Adriatico nel tardo periodo asburgico, difficoltà che rimangonoi sullo sfondo dell'idealizzato mondo plurilinguistico asburgico.

The article is devoted to the study of the tsarist legal policy aimed at limiting the influence of the Catholic Church on the population of Ukrainian lands and strengthening the position of the Russian Orthodox Church, which supported the autocracy. Attention is drawn to the fact that the starting point in the legislative restriction of the rights of Catholics was in 1794, when Catherine II issued an order declaring Orthodoxy de facto proclaimed state religion. In the summer of 1796 the local authorities obliged the clergy of the Catholic Church to swear allegiance to the Russian Empire. A number of measures were taken to limit the land holdings of Catholic monasteries. It was noted that in a number of royal decrees, the organizational foundations of the management of church establishments, the authority of the archbishop and bishops, monastic overlords, and ordinary monks were regulated in detail. Freedom of movement was restricted for Catholic monks. They were strictly forbidden not only to move from one diocese to another, but also to leave one temporarily without extreme monastic necessity and only with the personal permission of the bishop. The priests were strictly forbidden from touching the sermon on political issues, especially those concerning the Russian government. It is emphasized that during the late 18th - first half of the 20th century. the imperial government has shown a constant desire to limit to a maximum the influence of the Catholic Church on the population of Ukrainian lands, especially those where its supporters made up a large percentage. At the same time, the authorities were not too concerned with the freedom of religion of those subjects whose religious views were different from the official Orthodox ideology of the state. For Tsar, the expediency of Russification consisted in its conformity with the task of ensuring national-state security in its imperial sense. For autocracy, the Catholic denominators saw such a force that could pose a potential threat by distracting from the Orthodox Church those who had once departed from Catholicism, which could give rise in the future to unrest, primarily among the population of the Right Bank. This is, to a large extent, the explanation of the tsarist policy aimed at strengthening the position of the Russian Orthodox Church, which was the pillar of the autocracy, and in the future - to create a mono-religious space in the whole territory of Ukraine. ; В статье исследованы особенности правовой политики царизма, направленной на ограничение влияния католической церкви на население украинских земель и укрепление позиций русской православной церкви, выступавшей опорой самодержавия. Обращено внимание на то, что отправным пунктом в законодательном ограничении прав католиков стал 1794 г., когда Екатериной II было издано распоряжение, которым православие де-факто провозглашалось государственной религией. Летом 1796 г. местные органы власти обязали священнослужителей католической церкви принести присягу на верность Российской империи. Был осуществлен ряд мероприятий, направленных на ограничение земельных владений католических монастырей. Отмечено, что в дальнейшем рядом царских указов были подробно регламентированы организационные основы управления церковными учреждениями, определены полномочия архиепископа и епископов, монастырских настоятелей, а также рядовых монахов. Для католических монахов была ограничена свобода передвижения. Им категорически запрещалось не только переходить из одной епархии в другую, но и отлучаться с места постоянного пребывания даже временно без крайней монастырской необходимости и только с личного разрешения архиерея. Священникам строго предписывалось в проповедях не затрагивать вопросы политического характера, прежде всего тех, которые касались деятельности российского правительства. Отмечено, что в течение конца XVIII – первой половине ХХ в. имперское правительство проявляло постоянное стремление к максимальному ограничению влияния католической церкви на население украинских земель, особенно тех, где ее сторонники составляли значительный процент. При этом власти не слишком беспокоились об обеспечении свободы вероисповедания тех подданных, религиозные взгляды которых были отличными от официальной православной идеологии государства. Для царизма целесообразность русификации заключалась в ее соответствии задачам обеспечения национально-государственной безопасности в ее имперском понимании. Для самодержавия католические конфесионалы виделись такой силой, которая могла представлять потенциальную угрозу оттягивая от православной церкви тех, кто когда-то отошел от католичества, что могло породить в будущем беспорядки, в первую очередь, среди населения Правобережья. Именно этим в значительной степени и можно объяснить политику царизма, направленную на укрепление позиций русской православной церкви, выступавшей опорой самодержавия, а в перспективе – на создание монорелигиозного пространства на всей территории Украины. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню правової політики царату, спрямованої на обмеження впливу католицької церкви на населення українських земель та зміцнення позицій російської православної церкви, що виступала опорою самодержавства. Звернено увагу на те, що відправним пунктом у законодавчому обмеженні прав католиків став 1794 р., коли Катериною ІІ було видано розпорядження, яким православ'я де-факто проголошувалося державною релігією. Влітку 1796 р. місцеві органи влади зобов'язали священнослужителів католицької церкви скласти присягу на вірність Російській імперії. Було здійснено низку заходів, спрямованих на обмеження земельних володінь католицьких монастирів. Зауважено, що в подальшому низкою царських указів було докладно регламентовано організаційні засади управління церковними закладами, повноваження архієпископа та єпископів, монастирських настоятелів, а також пересічних монахів. Для католицьких монахів було обмежено свободу пересування. Їм категорично заборонялося не лише переходити з однієї єпархії до іншої, але й відлучатися з однієї навіть тимчасово без крайньої монастирської необхідності і лише з особистого дозволу архієрея. Священникам суворо заборонялося у проповідях зачіпати питання політичного характеру, насамперед тих, що стосувалися діяльності російського уряду. Наголошено, що протягом кінця ХVІІІ – першої половини ХХ ст. імперський уряд виявляв постійне прагнення до максимального обмеження впливу католицької церкви на населення українських земель, особливо тих, де її прихильники становили значний відсоток. При цьому влада не надто переймалася питаннями забезпечення свободи віросповідання тих підданих, релігійні погляди яких були відмінними від офіційної православної ідеології держави. Для царату доцільність русификації полягала в її відповідності завданням забезпечення національно-державної безпеки у її імперському розумінні. Для самодержавства католицькі конфесіонали вбачалися такою силою, яка могла становити потенційну загрозу відтягуючи від православної церкви тих, хто колись відійшов від католицтва, що могло породити у майбутньому заворушення, насамперед, серед населення Правобережжя. Саме цим, значною мірою, і можна пояснити політику царату, спрямовану на зміцнення позицій російської православної церкви, що виступала опорою самодержавства, а у перспективі – на створення монорелігійного простору на усій території України.

Ispitivanje dokumenata vezanih za rad Jovana Rajića na polju retorike u Pokrovo-Bogorodičnoj školi, na prvom mestu još neproučenog rukopisa udžbenika koji je napisao za ovaj predmet, pokazuje da je on napustio priručnike iz retorike barokne, jezuitske i kijevske tradicije, i oslonio se na postbarokna retorička dela nemačkih protestantskih autora s početka XVIII stoleća. To su pre svega ona J. G. Hajnekea i H. Frajera, predstavnika racionalizma u retoričkoj teoriji, u prvom slučaju klasicističke, u drugom pijetističke provenijencije. Time je Rajić nastavu retorike reformisao u duhu ranoprosvetiteljskih intelektualnih i literarnih strujanja. Pored izbegavanja tipičnih baroknih retoričkih fenomena, to je konkretno učinio tako što je u svoj udžbenik, pisan na latinskom, uneo slovensku retoričku terminologiju i primere iz moderne književnosti i usmene tradicije služeći se ćirilicom koja je vrlo bliska građanskoj, pa i za navode iz crkvenih tekstova. Predavanja iz crkvene retorike nemačkog prosvetiteljskog propovednika J. L. fon Mozhajma koja je predvideo za ovaj segment nastave, deo su iste Rajićeve koncepcije. Budući da je prosvetiteljstvo u delima Rajićeve zrelosti bilo zapravo hrišćanski klasični humanizam, za to vreme konzervativno, ova njegova delatnost pokazuje da je u on u svom ranom, civilnom periodu bio blizak i mnogo avangardnijim prosvetiteljskim konceptima. Ona takođe svedoči da on nije bio bezuslovno rusofilski kulturno orijentisan. ; This paper is based on analysis of previously non-researched documents of work of great Serbian theologian, historian and poet Jovan Rajić (1726-1801) in the field of rhetoric from the time when he was professor and director of Serbian-Latin high school in Karlovci called Pokrovo-Bogorodična. These documents are in the first place his rhetoric textbook Brevis et succinna manudictio in universam oratoriam, written in 1761-2., as well as his reports of lectures and of exams. Rajić's frequent messages of importance of education in the works of his maturity were in fact expression of his Christian classical humanism, not of contemporary secular enlightenment, ideas of which he, as a cleric, could not accept, but in this rhetorical activity, in his early, civil period, he showed openness to more avantgarde enlightenment concepts. Writing his rhetorical textbook Rajić didn't take the road of Kievian rhetorical textbooks, as it would be expected with regard to confessional factor. He inclines to classicistic avoiding of baroque rhetorical ideas and phenomena (as emphasizing the role of tropes and figures, particularly of metaphor, as well as of poetic principle of acumen) and also of typical expressions of baroque culture (symbols, emblems, hieroglyphs etc.). Post-baroque character of Rajić's rhetoric textbook comes from his main models and those are Prussian and Protestant, as well as recent and untypical. In the circumstances when Habsburg government tried to impose to the Serbs Roman Catholic educational system and to ruin their educational links with Russia, it is quite clear the choice of these models as by the author himself, who was Russophile critically oriented toward Roman Catholicism, as by archbishop-metropolitan Pavle Nenadović, great supporter of improving Serbian education, who ordered this work. Before he started to write his rhetoric manual, when he had already taken on the teaching of rhetoric, Rajić put out of using the widely spread textbook of Jesuit Cipriano Suárez (Soarius) and also Kievian textbooks, primarily leant on it. As it shows Rajić's teaching report, instead of those, he introduced the textbook which would be for him one of main models for writing his own. It is Fundamenta stili cultioris of Johann Gottlieb Heineke (alias Heineccius). Beside this work Rajić used also two another - Oratoria in tabulas compendiarias redacta of Hieronymus Freyer and Elementa oratoria of Johann Friedrich Burg. By taking Heineke as model Rajić gave classicistic character to his rhetoric textbook because this very famous rhetorician in XVIII century first of all insists on linguistic and stylistic ideals of purity, especially in respect of using tropes and figures. Burg is much dependant on Freyer, but he is more conservative because his textbook conforms to some baroque rhetorical customs (great space for tropes and figures) and has ecclesiastical orientation (examples from Bible alike those from classical and modern profane literature). Rajić follows Burg in these specific elements, but on the other side he leans Freyer who is the most modern of his models and exerted the most characteristic influence on him. As one of representatives of educational reforms in Prussia Freyer promoted using the maternal (German) language in teaching rhetoric instead of Latin by translating rhetorical terms and giving examples also from domestic literature. Rajić translated in Serbian literary language of that time, Russian-Church-Slavonic, some of basic rhetorical terms and in the same language gave majority of examples from Bible and some from other sources. Moreover, he put in his manual some examples in the vernacular Serbian language from oral tradition. In regard to this Rajić's rhetorical work belongs to the early enlightenment rhetoric textbooks. Besides, the leaning on these recent Prussian models made Rajić's rhetorical manual advance guard of educational reforms in Habsburg Empire which would start in next decade under the influence of Prussian recipes. As former Russian student Rajić certainly had to know such important rhetorical work as Ritorika of Mikhail V. Lomonosov, but in translating rhetorical terms he was independent, although in some details it is possible to see Rajić's closeness with Lomonosov, particularly in using civil Cyrillic letters, even in the Biblical quotations. In regard to this Rajić went on furthest in enlightenment orientation of his rhetoric textbook because of Serbian reserve concerning reform of Cyrillic letters in that time and also because the next Serbian rhetoric textbook, written by Avram Mrazović in Russian-Church-Slavonic six decades later, was printed in old, ecclesiastical Cyrillic letters. Rajić's reform of teaching of rhetoric in Pokrovo-Bogorodična school in the direction of early enlightenment rhetorical theory also covered the field of Church rhetoric. Instead of writing about this topic in his textbook, or in another separated textbook, he planned to use the lectures of Church rhetoric that he had noted during his high-school days and so he made the new, clean copy of them in the same manuscript with his rhetoric textbook. These lectures were based on the rhetorical theory of the first great German enlightenment Church preacher J. L. von Mosheim.

[spa] El trabajo analiza a través del origen del Estado del Líbano 1840-1943 y pretende responder a qué realidad política aludimos al utilizar los términos "Libanización" y "Confesionalismo". La tesis fue dividida en 4 apartados. El 1; analiza la estructura social y política del Estado Político Otomano.1840-1918 del que formaba parte el emirato del Monte Líbano. El antecedente inmediato del actual Estado libanés: La "Haraka" de 1840 señala las pautas de lo que será conocido en el siglo XX como "libanización". El sistema político libanés tiene en el Decreto "Cheikff Efendi" (1845), el primer documento reglado del confesionalismo. En 1859-1860 tienen lugar dos procesos que llegan, con pequeñas variaciones, hasta la actualidad. En 1859, el desplazamiento de la clase política maronita del poder político en favor de su jerarquía eclesiástica y en 1860, el de la comunidad drusa a favor de la maronita. Los dos procesos culminan con la formación del Gobierno del "Moutessarifat del Monte Líbano". Esta etapa, 1860-1920, se conoce en la historiografía libanesa como la Historia del Pequeño Líbano marca las pautas que posteriormente seguirá el Mandato Internacional francés. El 2 esta dedicado al Estado Arabe, 1918-1920. El análisis del mismo perfilan las contradicciones del actual Estado libanés. Irrumpe el nacionalismo árabe de la mano de las comunidades asentadas en el actual Litoral Libanés. El "affaire" del consulado de Beirut, 1917, y la represión de Djemal Pacha en Damasco y Beirut, inclinó a la mayoría de las poblaciones otomanas-árabes del "Vilayato" Sirio-Mesopotámico a apoyar la separación del Estado Otomano. Constituyéndose en Estado separado con el nombre de Estado Árabe. Se analiza el gobierno de Facial, la Constitución Árabe de 1919, las comisiones maronitas e intervención del patriarca Hoyek en la Conferencia de Paz de Paris de 1920, y la Batalla de Maysolum. El 3 analiza el Mandato Francés. La comunidad maronita apoyó y favoreció el establecimiento del Mandato Internacional. Los franceses como compensación articularon un Estado-nación en torno a ellos. Un Estado Nación cuya base ideológica fue Nacional Catolicismo. Neutralizó el descontento de otras comunidades acudiendo al sistema político otomano, el confesionalismo. El 4 dedicado al Estado del Líbano. El Pacto Nacional de 1943. Esta ley, no escrita, reflejó las contradicciones, de la formación del Estado del Líbano. Un Estado otomano-árabe-libanés. El análisis de la formación del Estado del Líbano mostró un Estado Híbrido. Estado-nación-occidental/estado plurinacional oriental. La Libanización y Confesionalismo son raíces aéreas del Estado Otomano en los Estados-Naciones surgidos, por imposición colonial, en 1920, en las antiguas tierras Otomanas. La libanización, la inestabilidad de un Estado-nación, se produce cuando la comunidad entorno a la que se ha articulado el Estado-Nación excluye a las demás comunidades del poder político y éstas revindican participar en la administración de ese Estado. El confesionalismo, sistema político otomano, reparto del poder político entre todas las comunidades, supone el fracaso del sistema político occidental, "un hombre un voto". La tesis añade una conclusión-reflexión sobre la historiografía occidental. El Estado Otomano para los historiadores occidentales no existió como Estado sino como gobierno despótico, en cuanto al Árabe, sencillamente, lo han relegado al ostracismo. Esto ha producido la visión desvirtuada de la realidad del Oriente Próximo. El hombre árabe tiene una historia estatal anterior a 1920 y esa historia condicionó la colonización y condiciona su realidad actual. ; [eng] "Lebanon history: the invention of a state" TEXT: A study of the State of Lebanon between 1840 and 1943 that attempts to define the political reality referred to by the terms "Lebanization" and "Confessionalism". The thesis is divided into four sections. 1; An analysis of the Ottoman State from 1840 to 1918: the Mount Lebanon emirate, the antecedent of the actual Lebaneses State and its "harakas" provide an example of what we term "Lebanization". The Cheikff Efendi Decree of 1845, the first document of "Confessionalism".The Government of Moutessarifat, 1860-1920, in the Lebanese Historiography as the History of the Small Lebanon, provided a model that was later followed by the French International Mandate. Events such as the War of 1914, the rise of Arab nationalism, the affaire of the Beirut Consulate,1917, led the Ottoman-Arab populations to form a State, with the name of Arab State 2; Establishment of the Arab State, 1918-1920. The analysis highlights the contradictions of the modern State of Lebanon .Analysis of Faysal's government. The Arab Constitution of 1919. The Maronite commissions at the Peace conference. The battle of Maysolum. 3; The French Mandate. The French established a Nation-State in which the Maronite community was pre-eminent. Ideology National Catholicism. They tried to stem the discontent of other communities by applying the Ottoman political system of Confessionalism. 4, An analysis of the State of Lebanon. The National Pact of 1943 reflected the contradictions of the formation of the State of Lebanon, with its Ottoman, Arab, and Lebanese features. It was a hybrid, part western Nation-State and part plurinational oriental State. Lebanization and Confessionalism are the legacy of the Ottoman State expressed in the Nation-States that emerged from the colonial solution of 1920. Lebanization occurs when one community excludes others from political power, and when these other communities demand to participate in the administration of this Nation-State. Confessionalism, the sharing of political power among all the communities, signifies the failure of the western political system of "One man one vote". The thesis concludes with a reflection on western historiography. For western historians, the Ottoman State was merely a despotic government; it did not exist as a State. The Arab States have also ignored its importance. The result is a distorted vision of the reality of the Near East. Arabs have a State history that dates back to before 1920, and this history influenced the process of colonization and the situation in the Near East today.

When unions undertake labor organizing campaigns, they often do so from strong moral positions, contrasting workers' rights to decent pay or better working conditions with the more venal financial motives of management. But how does labor confront management when management itself has moral legitimacy? In With God on Our Side, Adam D. Reich tells the story of a five-year campaign to unionize Santa Rosa Memorial Hospital, a Catholic hospital in California. Based on his own work as a volunteer organizer with the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), Reich explores how both union leaders and hospital leaders sought to show they were upholding the Catholic "mission" of the hospital against a market represented by the other. Ultimately, workers and union leaders were able to reinterpret Catholic values in ways that supported their efforts to organize. More generally, Reich argues that unions must weave together economic and cultural power in order to ensure their continued relevancy in the postindustrial world. In addition to advocating for workers' economic interests, unions must engage with workers' emotional investments in their work, must contend with the kind of moral authority that Santa Rosa Hospital leaders exerted to dissuade workers from organizing, and must connect labor's project to broader conceptions of the public good

The buildings of Kyiv until 1917 are the object of research. Formation of buildings and dominants in planning structure of Kyiv is the subject of research. The reasons and the specifics of the formation of Kyiv until 1917 are as a sacral center with a dominant religious function is the purpose of the study. The analysis of the construction activity in the territory of Kyiv in each period of history and the comparison of the results of the activity are the research methods. The influence of historical events on the construction and architecture of temples in Kyiv was investigated earlier [1, 2]. The problem why Kyiv was formed as a sacred center was not considered. The history of Kyiv has its own specificity, which distinguishes the city from other settlements. The time until 1917 can be divided into three major periods. Each of these periods has its own uniqueness and is different from others. This distribution may not coincide with the generally accepted due to the importance of local events that have influenced construction activities. Periods of buildings and development of Kyiv are Kyivan Rus, Lithuanian-Polish and Russian Empire. Each of them had a time when the city was actively developing, and the time of destruction from natural disasters, epidemics, internecine wars and attacks of foreign armies. It is because of this that a certain character of the Kyiv city structure has developed. The culture of Kyivan Rus was based on the Orthodox religion. Education, cultural life developed around temples and monasteries. The production of goods was either at home or in churches and monasteries. There were few public buildings in Kyiv. The architectural dominant in building should be the main object, stand out by forms and height, and attract people. Other public buildings and places in Kyiv could not compete with temples. The temples were the most important; they had a unique image, a considerable height. Orthodox monasteries, cathedrals and churches were dominant in Kyiv during the years of Kyivan Rus. Religious life and religious events, cultural life, studies, most of the production of goods, management of the country's prince in most were concentrated in the main temples of the city. The temples carried many functions and were the main buildings in Kyiv. Catholicism was a state religion in Lithuania and Poland. The city developed poorly in the Lithuanian-Polish period. Public buildings were erected little. Lithuanian princes banned the construction of Orthodox churches, but built Catholic temples. At the end of the period, the Kyiv Orthodox Metropolitan was able to reconstruct many destroyed temples that remained from the time of Kyivan Rus. Orthodoxy with the center in Moscow was a state religion in Russia. Emperors in Russia believed that their Orthodox Church began from Kyiv and the period of Kyivan Rus. The Russian Empire honored Kyiv as a sacred city and built many Orthodox churches from small to large. Circuses, theaters, shops, museums, universities, management and business buildings, military buildings began to be built in the city only in the late 19th century. Buildings were placed on a red line, and therefore they did not stand out from the buildings. The temples continued to be dominant in the buildings. Thus, the domination of religious buildings remained during the history of the city until 1917. Row buildings were in Kyiv except dominants. It was a large part of the city. Various residential buildings were a typical building in Kyivan Rus. Peasants lived in poor homes − dugouts and anointed huts. In the cities there were more expensive houses − two-storeyed, from trunks of trees, with utility rooms. Kyiv was the capital of the state, a rich city. It is located in the forest zone. In Kyiv, wood was used as building material for defensive and residential buildings. That is why in the times of Kyivan Rus, the typical building in the city was a wooden two-story building. These were reinforced feudal farms with many buildings and facilities for owners, servants, domestic animals and production of goods. During the Lithuanian-Polish period, the city did not develop; therefore, anointed huts appeared in Kyiv. They differed from home in the village because they had a small plot. One and two-story brick houses and mansions were built with the development of the city. Such a building was characteristic of Kyiv almost to the beginning of the 20th century. Profitable seven-story houses began to be built in the city only at the end of the 19th century because of the city's suffering from natural disasters, wars and politics. They were built to rent a house. Considerable height, large forms and domes distinguished the temples over low residential and public buildings. The relief on which the city was located influenced the formation of the buildings and general plan as well. Kyiv is located because of the need for defense on a large number of hills with steep slopes and deep depressions between them. Construction technologies at that time allowed the construction of more or less flat areas. Slopes with periodic landslides remained uninhabited. Therefore, the forms of the hills of Kyiv completely controlled the directions of development and forms of the general plan, the location of areas and settlements. Ancient temples and monasteries served not only cultural centers. They were defensive complexes with fortified walls around the area of the monastery or temple. Most of the temples and monasteries were located on high hills, so that it was easier to defend themselves from the enemy. When the guests drove to Kyiv, they saw golden domes of temples at the top of the hills from a great distance. Golden domes among the green trees on the tops of the hills impressed guests with beauty. Kyiv has become a sacred city due to several factors. History has influenced the significant development of the sacred function. Sacral function and temples were important in the city during the times of Kyivan Rus. Then the city almost did not develop and the temples retained the dominant role in the buildings. Their number has become larger thanks to the Russian Empire. When other buildings began to be built in the city, the methods of building the city preserved the domination of the temples. The location of the temples on the hills made an unforgettable impression on the guests of the city.

This is the first and most concise biography of a Russian émigré gay poet, Valerii Pereleshin (1913-1992). The biographer, Olga Bakich, takes on the self-described role of an "accompanist" (xiv) to this prolific, yet understudied poet by painstakingly illuminating the joys and sorrows of his spiritual journey over eight decades. This work causes the reader to reconsider how a biography could be written. The key historical events surrounding his personal life are mentioned but not discussed in the context of historiographical theory. To do so would only distract the reader from the humble existence of Pereleshin as a biographical figure. His unique talent, personality, and literary footprint span vast distances from China's northeast to Brazil. This rather atypical biography consists primarily of the artist's aesthetically subjective testimony- his own poetry.As a former resident and survivor of war-time Harbin, Bakich herself is well aware of the backdrop of turbulent historical events in the 20th century Far East: Imperial Russia's eastward expansion, the forced and voluntary settlement of migrants from Eastern Europe, the Korean peninsula and Japanese archipelago, Qing China's semi-colonization and its subsequent collapse, the encroachment of Western and Japanese imperialism, the establishment of Japan's puppet state of Manchukuo, World War II and the USSR's advance into the region followed by civil war and the establishment of the People's Republic of China. The poet is a witness, survivor, and victim of these events.Bakich lets Pereleshin speak through letters, poems and photographs, a testimony of White Russians fleeing from the Eurasian Continent. Part One of Life of a Silkworm covers the period 1920 – 1952 in China, following Pereleshin's intellectual development from childhood to young adulthood. Each of the six chapters in this part is divided into multiple subtopics, covering periods of four to five years: the noble roots of the Salatko-Petrishche family, its relocation to Siberia amidst the chaos of revolution and horrors of civil war, education under the tsarist Russian system in Harbin, and most importantly his growing love for poetry and philosophy.The personal events of Pereleshin's early years document the still understudied but rich history of Russian Orthodox Ecclesiastical Mission in the Far East. Pereleshin, being sensitive and deeply religious, enrolled in the Mission's Theological Faculty in 1937, was ordained a Monk Herman(in honour of St. Herman of Kazan' and Sviiaga) in 1938, and a Priest-Monk Herman in 1941.Harbin émigré literary circle "Churaevka" and the lively interaction among its intellectuals also add new cultural dimensions to the study of Russian émigré society in Asia.Pereleshin began publishing his books of poetry in 1937.The poet, however, was rather a dissonance in his own conservative community. For example, as a monk, his participation in public poetic activities was limited. Moreover, he was inclined toward Catholicism and admired St. Francis of Assisi and St. Thérèse of Lisieux- a liberal expression of his spiritual interest. He began to travel and preach in Chinese cities with foreign concessions such as Beijing, Shanghai, and Tianjin with a determination to live his life to the fullest by serving God. But Pereleshin had difficulty finding inner peace with his vow of celibacy. While his poetry is infused with divine inspiration, passion and kindness, he was often tormented by the social stigma of his sexuality.In addition, the volatile political situation in the Far East made Pereleshin mistaken at times for a Japanese spy, a Fascist spy, a Soviet spy, and a Communist. Adversity, however, ignited his poetic creativity, especially after his departure to a third home, Brazil.Part Two consists of seven chapters covering 39 years of Pereleshin's life in Brazil during the period 1953-1992. The main focus shifts towards his growth as a poet. As a polyglot, he engaged in translations of poetry to and from Russian, Chinese and Portuguese languages. He also wrote some pieces in an avant-garde style, the so-called futurism, as well as preserving his lyrical poetic style. There were some bright moments: émigré scholars and critics in the US, such as Alexis Rannitand Simon Karlinsky recognized Pereleshin as an authentic Russian poet, and offered praise and support. It is an important gesture by Bakich to highlight this aspect of Pereleshin's life. Otherwise, his portrayal as a "tasteless" émigré poet from the east who lacked "Parisian culture" (171), according to one US literary professor, G. Struve, might be accorded more weight than it should. Pereleshin's animosity toward I. Brodsky is also interesting from the perspective of literary history. Whether the result of his jealousy toward this Nobel Prize winner or his anti-Semitic sentiment is unclear; yet in any case, a careful reading of the text reveals that the core issue originated in the poetic language itself, not ethno-religious identity. Even the last country he could have called home offered no respite. Pereleshin faced many financial difficulties and the pain of unrequited love. In the end,he had three homelands, and experienced three exiles. Yet, before his departure for Brazil, he had already sensed that for him, Kitai (China in Russian) should be his place to die, because of his fascination with the vivacious and affectionate people who "understood [him] and reciprocated [his] love." (139)The title of this work is drawn from Pereleshin's own words: "A tender, sticky web, /a fine material, /is produced by a silkworm/ twisting like an invisible snake/from its own self/ (There is nothing else)." (Silkworm, 29.12.1967, xiii) Pereleshin spun more than two thousand poems in his life. Bakich has re-entered his world and has woven a veritable tapestry of his life and art, using the poet's creative work as the warp, and personal events as the weft. The author's effort to present this complex poet in an approachable way using short chronological intervals may, to a certain extent, sacrifice the attractive depth of thematic components expressed in his poetry, namely, Russian émigré identity, religion, philosophy, homosexuality, and poetic inspiration. These topics would be worth pursuing more intensively in Pereleshin's anthology in the near future. For the present, it is the author's willingness to embrace the poet's extremes that is most impressive here. Bakich causes the reader to consider a life lived at the margins of ethnicity, citizenship, spirituality and sexuality – all prominent themes today as we seek to build an inclusive society. For Pereleshin, who was not a social activist, poetry was his only means of self-advocacy. Thankfully, Bakich's work introduces it to us: gentle, lonely, yet so brilliantly strong.

Glavni cilj disertacije je analizirati ideologiju glavnih predstavnika radikalne desnice u Poljskoj. Ova doktorska disertacija dizajnirana je kao studija slučaja unutar okvira kulturalnog pristupa u političkim znanostima. Kao metoda istraživanja odabrana je kombinacija kvalitativne analize sadržaja i konceptualne analize ideologije Michaela Freedena. Iako je najveći fokus istraživanja na dvjema političkim strankama (Zakon i pravda i Liga poljskih obitelji) kao glavnim predstavnicima radikalno desne političke scene u Poljskoj, istraživanje se bavi i drugim akterima, prije svega organizacijama civilnog društva, društvenim pokretima i medijima, koji sudjeluju u konstruiranju i promoviranju ideologije radikalne desnice. Pritom istraživanje nije ograničeno na sadržaj ideologije i aktere koji tu ideologiju promoviraju, već ono uključuje i analizu procesa putem kojih se ideologija radikalne desnice eksplicira i formulira, kao i analizu dinamičnih odnosa među akterima procesa proizvodnje ideologije doprinoseći istraživanju ideologije radikalne desnice kao i istraživanju procesa konstruiranja političkih ideologija općenito. Kao polazište za navedenu analizu u disertaciji se koristi ponešto modificirana definicija radikalne desnice poznatog politologa Casa Muddea prema kojoj su konstitutivna obilježja radikalne desnice integralni nacionalizam, autoritarnost i populizam. Analizom je utvrđeno kako su sve tri ideološke karakteristike tipične za radikalnu desnicu prisutne kod glavnih aktera istraživanih u ovoj disertaciji. Na tragu konceptualne analize, ova disertacija je pokazala kako središnji konstitutivni koncept radikalno desne ideologije u Poljskoj predstavlja nacija, i kako svi ostali okolni koncepti detektirani analizom, poput solidarnosti, jednakosti šansi, pravde, demokracije, slobode, zadobivaju svoje značenje na temelju svog odnosa prema središnjem konstitutivnom obilježju ideologije. ; In the last thirty years or so, the influence of the radical right has been constantly growing throughout Europe. This political success has been accompanied by an increasingly intensive scientific research on the phenomenon of the radical right, which has resulted in several studies that address various aspects of the radical right phenomenon in Europe. Paradoxically, despite such an abundance of research papers, their review suggests that there are relatively few papers that have a systematic and in-depth approach to the political ideology of the radical right. This doctoral dissertation fills this research gap and focuses on the political ideology of the radical right, taking into account the thesis of the well-known researcher of political ideologies Michael Freeden, that political ideologies are the center of political analysis because the study of ideologies can provide relevant insights necessary for understanding politics and political processes. In the context of the debate on the wave of radicalism in Europe, Poland is a particularly interesting case. Firstly, it is the largest and most populous post-communist country that became a member of the EU and a country in which the radical right won three parliamentary and three presidential elections between 2005 and 2020. Secondly, in academic papers and media Poland is often portrayed as an example of a country that has successfully gone through the process of transformation to liberal democracy and as an example of the most successful transition economy in Europe. The Polish case is also interesting because it is a a country with more than 90% of declared Catholics and where, primarily due to historical development, Catholicism plays a significant role in political, social, and cultural life; it has become a key component of the Polish national identity. In contrast to Western European countries, in Poland Political Catholicism, did not spark the development of strong Christian- Democratic parties, it rather gave rise to radical right-wing parties instead. In addition to cultural factors, historical heritage is often considered a fertile ground for the emergence of this type of parties, especially its influence on political processes and on the processes of building a national identity. Namely, the Polish historical heritage, specifically the one related to the 20th century, was marked by a short period of democratic rule (1918-1925), and two long periods of authoritarian rule, that of Jozef Pilsudski (1925 to 1939), and that of the communist authoritarians (1945 to 1989). Thus, the main goal of the dissertation is to analyze the ideology of the main representatives of the radical right in Poland by exploring its discursive manifestations, as well as the way in which the radical right ideology is produced. This doctoral dissertation is designed as a case study within the framework of a cultural approach in political sciences. The cultural approach is characterized by the insistence on the importance of context, which, on the other hand, makes it difficult to define clear independent, dependent, and intervening variables. Therefore, in the cultural approach, a case is most often taken as the analytical unit taking into consideration all the complexity of its historical and socio-political distinctiveness. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as the research method, and conceptual analysis of Michael Freeden's ideology was added to it, since this approach allows us to better understand the morphology of ideologies and their operationalization in politics. The first chapter is about the theoretical and methodological framework. Since the concept of the radical right is one of the deeply contested concepts which there is no consensus about in political science, and since the aim of this doctoral dissertation is to explain this concept, the first part of the chapter consists of a review and analysis of recent literature. The notion of the radical right was analyzed through comparison with related terms such as the extreme right, right-wing populism, and the far right. As a starting point for analysis in the dissertation, a somewhat modified definition of the radical right by the well-known political scientist Cas Mudde is used. According to him, the constitutive features of the radical right are integral nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism. Like the concept of the radical right, the concept of ideology is also ambivalent and can be understood in different ways which result in multiple uses of the term ideology which are often contradictory. This doctoral dissertation is largely based on the morphological approach to the study of ideology developed by Michael Freeden. The second chapter deals with the history of Poland before 1989. The first part of the chapter explains the early context of the emergence of Polish nationalism, which has its roots in the 'noble democracy' of the 17th century, as well as in the national struggles for independence of the 19th century. However, the chapter focuses on two periods that significantly influenced the emergence and growth of Polish political nationalism in the early 2000s. The first is the interwar period (1918-1939) in which two traditions of Polish political thought, Sanacja and Endeca, crystallized, and from which two visions of the Polish nation, national identity, and the nation-state, emerged. The second period is after the Second World War, i.e., the period of the People's Republic of Poland in which the legitimization and institutionalization of the nationalist discourse take place. Equally, in this period there emerged and formed social groups with different visions of the Polish state after the fall of communism. The third chapter deals with the transformation of the People's Republic of Poland into the The third Republic and with an account of political and social events in the first decade after the fall of communism. This chapter sheds light on the political and social context within which the dominant social divisions in Polish society emerged, which in large part resulted in the evolution of radical right-wing parties in the early 2000s. In particular, the very nature of the transformation process emerged as the main subject of dispute. Namely, the Polish right believes that due to the contractual transformation of the system, the 'revolution' is not over and that the left-liberal groups have made an agreement with the former communist establishment. They believe that the Third Republic is a product of this agreement and that it serves the left-liberal and former communist elites to maintain positions of power and rule the The third Republic to the detriment of the oppressed people. This conspiratorial narrative represents the foundation around which the politics and ideology of the radical right have been built in Poland since 2000. The fourth chapter deals with the emergence and profiling of two radical right-wing parties, Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo I Sprawiedliwość – PiS) and the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin – LPR) . The chapter is structured in such a way as to first present the history of the formation of these parties, with an emphasis on the main actors who participated as the originators and implementers of these projects. In both cases, these are largely the 'family projects' of the Kaczynski brothers (Law and Justice) and father and son Giertych (League of Polish Families). From the Kaczynskis' biographies, it is obvious that they come from an environment dominated by the legacy of Sanacja, while father and son Giertych openly presents themselves as the heirs of the interwar Endecja. After presenting their political activities and the first successes in the elections, the ideology of these two parties is reconstructed, primarily from their programs and other party publications. The research showed that until 2005 both parties contained all the constitutive elements of the radical right according to Mudde's conceptualization. While these constitutive elements have been present in the League of Polish Families since its founding, the party Law and Justice gradually became radicalized. This period, at least from the perspectives of PiS and LPR, is dominated by the conflict between the post-communist elites (former communists and left-liberal intellectuals) gathered around the left Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and the so-called "patriotic' camp that emerged from Solidarity. This chapter also covers the period between 2005 and 2007 when these two parties, together with the Self-Defense party, formed a government that lasted less than two years. This first, shorter coming to power of the radical right in Poland is not important because of the public policies they pursued during that period, but because of the experience and lessons gained by PiS during its rule in the liberal democratic system. Namely, after 2007, the LPR disappeared from the Polish political scene, leaving the PiS as the only relevant political actor of the radical right. The fifth chapter covers the period between 2007 and 2015. It is the period of rule by the Civic Platform (Polish: Platforma Obywatelska, PO), a center-right party with strong pro-EU views and liberal economic and social policies. Due to the disappearance of the left from the Polish political scene, the main social and political conflict underwent a radical change. PiS formulated a new conflict – the struggle between solidarity and liberal or corporate Poland – and built its ideology around this conflict. This period in Polish political and social life was marked by the immigration crisis that hit Europe and the debate on the acceptance of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, the so-called Istanbul Convention. Both topics as well as the pro-European orientation of the PO government led to the mobilization of radical right-wing social groups and media that skillfully occupied public space by successfully imposing their topics on the public agenda. As this dissertation will show, PiS has adapted its discourse to that of radical right-wing organizations and has successfully presented itself as their political representative. On the one hand, this 'alliance' helped the PiS succeed in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, while on the other it marked the further radicalization of the PiS, especially when it comes to issues of morals and values. The sixth chapter deals with the period between 2015 and 2020. During that period, the PiS won both the presidential and the parliamentary elections twice. This chapter emphasizes how PiS translates its ideology into public policies. Namely, during this period PiS focused its efforts on two projects: 'repairing the state' and rebuilding the community (nation). The first project was marked by the judicial reform and the crisis related to the Constitutional Court; it aimed to strengthen the executive branch to the detriment of other branches of government. The PiS community reconstruction project was conceived as a change in the material and spiritual dimension of the community. The first is mostly related to social policies, the emphasis being on family policies. Changes in the spiritual dimension imply changes in cultural policy, within which there has been a reform of public media and the announcement of the "recolonization" of private media. In changing the spiritual dimension, PiS placed special emphasis on the defense of the traditional way of life on the one hand, and on the politics of history on the other, in which the Institute of National Remembrance played an exceptional role. The seventh chapter takes the form of a final discussion in which the basic theses of the radical right ideology in Poland are reconstructed. The aim of this discussion is to position the topic of this dissertation within the framework of a broader theoretical discussion between liberals and their critics. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main research results in this doctoral dissertation and points to the possible direction of future research, especially research of countries with a strong radical right and with a similar historical and cultural heritage. Equally, the conclusion points to the fact that this dissertation has not fully answered the research question related to finding out how ideology is constructed, and the actors involved in the process. Namely, the problem was the research design and selection of the analysis method. The conclusion is that a more complete answer to this research question would require some field research, preferably using the method of interview or survey. Finally, we believe that some future research on ideology should move in that direction.