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This short article examines the present land transport situation in tropical Africa, and discusses the severe economic constraints facing continuation of even the present low levels of vehicular activity. In addition, some new approaches to both passengers and freight are suggested in line with existing difficulties.As defined here, tropical Africa includes all the countries in the continent except Morocco, Algeria, Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt, as well as South Africa and Namibia. In 1984, the population was just over 400 million, but is expected to reach about 650 million by the year 2000.1 Overall, the region is characterised by low levels of income per head, a high proportion of the workforce employed in agriculture (over 50 per cent everywhere), and correspondingly low levels of urbanisation. Given the great differences between the region and the industralised countries, it is possinle that transport policies appropriate to the West may not be particularly relevent.

There is, in France, a pronounced awareness of an "Iranian world" that can be identified in terms of cultural, linguistic, ethnic (Aryan peoples) or geographic (highlands, cold winters) characteristics common to the civilizations of all Iranian-speaking peoples living in Afghanistan, Iran, Kurdistan or south central USSR, in particular, Tajikistan. This "world" stands in contrast to the Arab, Indian and Turkish ones. The notion of a Middle East extending from Casablanca to Kabul does not exist in French. Newspapers usually refer to the Moslem lands to the south and east of the Mediterranean as the "Arab world," as if Turkish- and Persian-speaking peoples were peripheral minorities therein.Owing to its colonial and military heritage, France has long given special importance to theMaghrib(Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria), the Near East (Lebanon and Syria, in particular) and, as a result of the Napoleonic campaigns and Champollion's expeditions, Egypt.

Some strides have been taken to improve the status of women in Islam, but the weight of conservatism is still very strong. How strong it is may be gauged from the following illustration. In the introduction to his book published in 1926 describing the rise of trade unionism, Shaikh Tāhir al-Haddād, a pioneer of the trade union movement in Tunisia, interprets history in a fashion that comes very close to Marxism, although he rejects Marxist atheism and materialism. No opposition came to this work from the pen of an 'alim. But three years later, when he published Our Woman in the Sharî'a and in Society, arguing that the social status of woman in Muslim society was actually inferior to what Islamic teaching granted them and pleading for improvement in the social and legal positions of women, he was severely attacked by the conservatives, lost his job, and died a few years later, a forlorn man.

The post-independence years have been turbulent and fruitful for North African women in the performing arts: theater, cinema, dance, music, and art performance. In Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia, the forces shaping the status of women are dynamic, unstable, productive, and in some cases, violent. They take place within larger, and equally volatile, discourses about the socio-political future of the three nation-states.This atmosphere has a profound effect on the women artists who must operate within it, or from its diaspora, as they agitate to have a voice in the future of the region. When we consider their work from a remove, it is easy to forget that, in addition to facing themselves the social and political issues about which they write, film, and perform, they, like artists everywhere, grapple with the petty politics of publishing, publicity, funding, public taste, and bureaucratic policy.

Altres ajuts: SEJ-3118 ; Este artículo analiza los cambios legislativos relacionados con las libertades públicas en Túnez desde las revueltas de 2011, concretamente los referidos a la libertad de asociación, expresión y la regulación de los medios de comunicación, poniéndolos en relación con el contexto sociopolítico del país. Ello pretende demostrar cómo los factores sociales y políticos han generado un nuevo marco legal de actuación, basado en la nueva Constitución, pero con un intenso desarrollo normativo que en muchos aspectos rompe con la legislación anterior, aunque conservando ciertos elementos de autoridad heredados del pasado. Dos aspectos merecen especial atención: los límites que estas nuevas normas siguen man¬teniendo como factor de control social y, no completamente acordes con una democracia desarrollada; y, por el otro, los problemas de interpretación, las especificidades culturales o los comportamientos autoritarios que hacen que se mantenga la falta de libertades en ám¬bitos tan fundamentales como los analizados. ; This article analyses the legislative changes made in relation to civil liberties in Tunisia since the 2011 revolts, specifically, those concerned with freedom of association, expression, and regulation of the media and links them to the socio-political context of the country. The paper intends to demon¬strate how social and political factors have produced a new legal framework of action that is based on the new constitution, but which also brings intense regulatory develop¬ment that in many respects breaks with previous legislation, although certain elements of authority inherited from the past have been preserved. Two aspects deserve special consideration: on the one hand these rules maintain certain limitations as means of social control that are not totally consistent with a developed democracy; and, on the other, problems of interpretation, cultural specificity and authoritarian behaviour mean the lack of liberties in such fundamental areas as those analysed are also preserved.

International audience ; The enhancement of local heritage can pave the way to the economic, social and environmental development of land-locked regions. Such an option becomes an alternative for local development. The South-east is one of the less favoured and underprivileged areas of Tunisia, facing several difficulties to keep up with the current development trends, but characterized by a very rich local heritage. The innovation and promotion of this local heritage by the tourism industry, the multifunctionality of agriculture and the organisation of local players can provide a solution to support the development of this territory. ; La valorisation du patrimoine est un vecteur de développement local des territoires enclavés aussi bien sur le plan économique et social qu'environnemental. Cette mesure devient une alternative de développement. La région sud-est tunisienne est l'une des zones défavorisées de la Tunisie, confrontée à plusieurs difficultés pour suivre le mode de développement, mais caractérisée par une richesse locale très abondante. L'innovation et la valorisation touristique de cette richesse locale, la multifonctionnalité de l'agriculture locale et l'organisation des acteurs locaux sont une solution pour le développement de ce territoire.

International audience ; The enhancement of local heritage can pave the way to the economic, social and environmental development of land-locked regions. Such an option becomes an alternative for local development. The South-east is one of the less favoured and underprivileged areas of Tunisia, facing several difficulties to keep up with the current development trends, but characterized by a very rich local heritage. The innovation and promotion of this local heritage by the tourism industry, the multifunctionality of agriculture and the organisation of local players can provide a solution to support the development of this territory. ; La valorisation du patrimoine est un vecteur de développement local des territoires enclavés aussi bien sur le plan économique et social qu'environnemental. Cette mesure devient une alternative de développement. La région sud-est tunisienne est l'une des zones défavorisées de la Tunisie, confrontée à plusieurs difficultés pour suivre le mode de développement, mais caractérisée par une richesse locale très abondante. L'innovation et la valorisation touristique de cette richesse locale, la multifonctionnalité de l'agriculture locale et l'organisation des acteurs locaux sont une solution pour le développement de ce territoire.

International audience ; The enhancement of local heritage can pave the way to the economic, social and environmental development of land-locked regions. Such an option becomes an alternative for local development. The South-east is one of the less favoured and underprivileged areas of Tunisia, facing several difficulties to keep up with the current development trends, but characterized by a very rich local heritage. The innovation and promotion of this local heritage by the tourism industry, the multifunctionality of agriculture and the organisation of local players can provide a solution to support the development of this territory. ; La valorisation du patrimoine est un vecteur de développement local des territoires enclavés aussi bien sur le plan économique et social qu'environnemental. Cette mesure devient une alternative de développement. La région sud-est tunisienne est l'une des zones défavorisées de la Tunisie, confrontée à plusieurs difficultés pour suivre le mode de développement, mais caractérisée par une richesse locale très abondante. L'innovation et la valorisation touristique de cette richesse locale, la multifonctionnalité de l'agriculture locale et l'organisation des acteurs locaux sont une solution pour le développement de ce territoire.

International audience ; The enhancement of local heritage can pave the way to the economic, social and environmental development of land-locked regions. Such an option becomes an alternative for local development. The South-east is one of the less favoured and underprivileged areas of Tunisia, facing several difficulties to keep up with the current development trends, but characterized by a very rich local heritage. The innovation and promotion of this local heritage by the tourism industry, the multifunctionality of agriculture and the organisation of local players can provide a solution to support the development of this territory. ; La valorisation du patrimoine est un vecteur de développement local des territoires enclavés aussi bien sur le plan économique et social qu'environnemental. Cette mesure devient une alternative de développement. La région sud-est tunisienne est l'une des zones défavorisées de la Tunisie, confrontée à plusieurs difficultés pour suivre le mode de développement, mais caractérisée par une richesse locale très abondante. L'innovation et la valorisation touristique de cette richesse locale, la multifonctionnalité de l'agriculture locale et l'organisation des acteurs locaux sont une solution pour le développement de ce territoire.

Despite a hostile environment, Tunisia's democratisation process since 2011 has survived and progressed. Yet crucial structural reforms to ensure effective governance, economic growth and resilient democracy have yet to be implemented. Elec­tions in 2019 indicated a popular desire for a strong push for reforms. A new govern­ment took office at the end of February, but it remains to be seen how functional it will be. It encompasses parties whose views on certain questions are fundamentally opposed. This creates a dilemma for Tunisia's external partners: they would like to accelerate the pace of reforms but have little to show for their attempts to prod Tunisia into action. One option for spurring Tunisian initiative would be more tar­geted incentives for reforms and clearer conditionalities for financial assistance. Germany's reform partnerships are already a move in that direction, and Germany could use its EU Council Presidency in the second half of 2020 to persuade external donors to take a common line. (Autorenreferat)

International audience ; Cet article se propose de réfléchir à la façon dont les scrutins de 2011 et 2012 en Tunisie et en Égypte peuvent bouleverser nos approches de l'acte électoral. En contexte d'incertitude politique, il questionne ces élections « pas comme les autres » sous deux angles : il invite d'abord à de ne pas se limiter aux lectures fonctionnalistes qui assignent au scrutin un rôle déterminant tant dans la reproduction des rapports de pouvoir autoritaires que dans le changement de régime et la démocratisation ; en conséquence, il s'interroge ensuite sur les possibilités sinon de révolution, du moins de restauration, voire d'inauguration de la sociologie électorale sur ces terrains où, pour des raisons pratiques (les difficultés d'accès à l'information et la manipulation des résultats), mais aussi plus théoriques, celle-ci n'en est qu'à ses prémices. Il compare comment, malgré les ruptures introduites par la révolution, l'histoire électorale locale peut influencer aujourd'hui les candidatures, le vote et son herméneutique ; et il se penche en retour sur les innovations repérables dans ces scrutins plus libres et concurrentiels que les précédents : transformations de la représentation, restructuration des organisations partisanes, métamorphoses du clientélisme et du leadership, ou évolution des comportements électoraux permettent de repérer non seulement des héritages et décrochages entre l'ancien et le nouveau régime mais aussi entre la « politique de la rue » et celle « de l'urne », entre le « peuple en révolution » et le « corps électoral ».