Suchergebnisse

Annex 7 of the Dayton Peace Agreement represented a breakthrough in the history of conflict settlement. It stated for the first time that displaced persons should be able not just to repatriate to their country of origin but to return to their actual pre-war homes. The tension between the rights-based approach implied in the Dayton Peace Agreement and the moral imperative of reversing ethnic cleansing becomes clearer when considering the position in which rural returnees were put. There is no doubt that the international community faced a fundamental dilemma regarding minority returns in Bosnia and Herzegovina but, in pursuit of the goal of reversing ethnic cleansing, people's right to choose was, to a large extent, sidelined. This requires a profound re-thinking within the international community, particularly so considering the relatively poor results achieved in terms of reversing ethnic cleansing. A policy which took into account individual motivations and constraints, as well as more in line with the recognition of people's right to choose enshrined in Annex 7. Adapted from the source document.

This essay anatomizes the postelection violence in Kenya in 2007 to identify the different forms of ethnic conflict so as to analyze their implications for the future stability of a democratic regime in the country. It argues that five types of ethnic conflict marked the aftermath of the elections: ethnically targeted state repression, targeting of local ethnic proxies for national political figures, ethnic vigilantism, opportunistic criminal violence, and ethnic cleansing by Kalenjin ethnonationalists. The essay also argues that while there are good prospects for reconciliation, Kalenjin ethnonationalism poses a serious challenge to long-term stability.

In this article ethnic cleansings and genocides — as general social facts, which have very similar roots — are analysed and explained by constructing the draft general model. The model of the process of ethnic cleansings and genocides escalation includes six elements: chauvinist mobilization, mass hostility, security dilemma, myths, emotions (positive, e.g. pride, and negative, e.g. fears) and public discourse (author refers to Stuart J. Kaufman's model of processes of ethnic conflict escalation). There are two variants of this process: elite-led and mass-led. The keys to explanation on the origin of ethnic cleansings and genocides are myths and emotions, which drive people to hostilities. Therefore, important part of the text are considerations on sociology of genocidal emotions.

More Nights Than Days is a unique exploration of the experience of children who survived the Holocaust-including Roma and Sinti victims-and the genocides in Cambodia, Rwanda, and Bosnia. Children are among the principal victims of armed conflicts and slaughters; nonetheless, they perceive events through the prism of their unique perspective and have a range of coping techniques adults don't possess.This overview of writings of ninety-one child survivors bears evidence from a wide range of human ruthlessness. The author presents little-known texts along with famous memoirs and autobiographical fiction, with abundant quotations. Many of these are not only compelling as historical testimony, but poetic and stirringly expressive. Yudit Kiss has not written a historical study or literary criticism of the children s books. She explores, instead, what the authors went through and what they felt and understood about their experience. An accessible and captivating reading, this volume presents a close-up, human size dimension of the destruction. The books written by child survivors also describe the resources and means that helped them to remain human even in the deepest well of inhumanity, offering precious lessons about resistance and resilience

Introduction -- Chapter 1. Background to Rohingya's situation History -- Chapter 2. Burma pre-colonial history focussing on Arakan (Rakhine state) area -- Chapter 3. Archival research outcomes : new research outlining strong Rohingya claim to pre-colonial history -- Chapter 4. Burma/Myanmar's post-independence history impacting the Rohingya -- Identity -- Chapter 5. Fieldwork research with Rohingya (in Myanmar and diaspora) -- Chapter 6. Development of modern Rohingya identity; Who do the contemporary Rohingya say they are? -- Contemporary situation -- Chapter 7. Myanmar's transformation 2010-2015 -- Chapter 8. 2015-2019 period in Myanmar: Aung San Suu Kyi comes to office, online hate speech increases, 2017 military action in northern Rakhine state, and the Rohingya's forced migration -- Chapter 9. The Rohingya's future -- Bibliography -- Acknowledgements -- Index

We seek to reinvigorate and clarify the Copenhagen School's insight that 'security' is not 'a sign that refers to something more real; the utterance ['security'] itself is the act'. We conceptualise the utterances of securitising actors as consisting not in arguments so much as in repetitive spouting of ambiguous phrases (WMD, rogue states, ethnic cleansing). We further propose that audience acceptance consists not in persuasion so much as in joining the securitising actors in a ritualised chanting of the securitising phrase. Rather than being performed to, the audience participates in the performance in the manner in which a crowd at a rock concert sings along with the artists. We illustrate our argument with a discussion of how the ritualised chanting of the phrase 'weapons of mass destruction' during the run-up to the Iraq War ultimately produced the grave Iraqi threat that it purportedly described. Adapted from the source document.

Democratic theorists agree that in a democracy the people should be sovereign. However, they cannot give democratically acceptable criteria for telling who precisely the people are. According to some theorists, this "paradox of popular sovereignty" can lead to disastrous consequences such as territorial disputes and ethnic cleansing. By contrast, others hold that this paradox is productive. Using the tools of Comparative Political Theory (CPT), this article enters into the controversy by providing new evidence of how this theoretical paradox has influenced political practice. The article shows that the problem was already apparent in early nineteenth-century Spanish America, where two different conceptions of the people had contrasting consequences. The article argues that the main effect of the paradox was to bring to the fore the ineradicable discrepancies between political praxis and juridical form. This effect should be seen as an opportunity to be seized rather than a problem to be solved. Adapted from the source document.