Suchergebnisse

Publiceringen af de 12 tegninger af Profeten Muhammed i den danske avis Jyllands-Posten medførte hvad der i Danmark blev betegnet som den største udenrigspolitiske krise i nyere tid. Dansk erhvervsliv var hårdt ramt af den omfattende boykot, men er nu atter ved at finde tilbage til niveauet fra før boykotten.

Over the last 10 years at-risk-of-poverty rates across Europe have been rather stable or rising only slightly. However, certain demographic groups face comparatively high poverty risks. Lone mothers belong usually to the most affected groups by income poverty - but variations are striking. Though, still little research has been done for explaining this vast variation across Europe. It is argued that institutional arrangements in the labor market and the welfare state shaped by existing gender inequalities have an impact on lone mothers' poverty risks. For instance, in countries where women's access to (full time) paid work is low and/or the gender pay gap is high, lone mothers are particularly disadvantaged due to the absent (male) partner. Furthermore, the lack of public childcare and a gendered eligibility to social benefits aggravate lone mothers' poverty risk. I also hypothesize that gendered institutional arrangements mediate the effect of individual characteristics on lone mothers' poverty risks - namely the poverty-reducing effect of employment and the poverty-enhancing effect of children. To prove these hypotheses empirically, I compare 25 European countries running several multi-level models based on pooled EU-SILC data (2009-2012). Results show that existing gender inequalities - particularly the access to full time employment for women and gender-specific welfare eligibility - indeed account for country differences in the level of lone mothers' poverty risk. Furthermore, there is empirical evidence that gender inequalities in the labor market shape the poverty-reducing effect of full time employment. Other specific mechanisms modeled in form of cross-level interactions cannot be supported by the data.

Compared to non-migrant mothers in couples, migrant lone mothers face a much higher risk of being out of the labour market, given that both lone motherhood and international migration have been shown to be strongly related to non-employment. In this chapter, we analyse the labour force participation of immigrant women and non-migrants living in Switzerland, and compare them by distinguishing between mothers in couples and lone mothers. We use data from the Swiss Labour Force Survey (wave 2008; N = 6814). These data allow us to account for intra-group variation among the immigrants by distinguishing them by their migrant generation and their country of origin. The analyses include women aged 20–54 who were living with at least one child under age 18. The dependent variable in the multinomial regression analyses is employment status, differentiating between full-time employment, long and short part-time employment, and non-employment. Results indicate that lone motherhood prevalence is similar among migrant and Swiss mothers (11%). In both groups, lone mothers are less likely to be in employment than mothers in couples. However, we find variation among lone mothers by migrant status: migrants have a higher non-employment rate overall. Among the employed women, migrant lone mothers tend to work full time, whereas non-migrant lone mothers tend to work part time. For lone mothers being an international migrant is therefore associated with an increased risk not only of being out of the labour force, but also of facing difficulties linked to work-family reconciliation. These results are relevant for the design of appropriate policies for migrants, lone parents, and work-family reconciliation, particularly in a societal context like Switzerland, where child care services are insufficient and the number of mothers who work full time is relatively small.

La protection de l'eau est devenue un enjeu majeur depuis le renforcement des obligations réglementaires qui imposent le bon état des masses d'eau d'ici 2015. Les gestionnaires de l'eau sont alors contraints de mettre en place des actions préventives, en intervenant sur les pratiques agricoles situées à proximité des captages d'eau potable. Or ces derniers manquent d'expérience pour inciter le changement de ces pratiques sur un territoire. C'est dans ce contexte que le programme de recherche Agriculture Biologique et Périmètre de Captage (ABiPeC), mobilise trois équipes INRA et l'ISARA sur les incitations locales à la conversion en agriculture biologique sur les aires d'alimentation de captage et qu'une étude de six mois a été mise en place à l'INRA de Mirecourt sur le dispositif de protection de l'eau de Lons-le-Saunier, considéré comme un exemple en la matière. Cette étude reconstitue les étapes de construction du dispositif et analyse l'évolution des relations mises en place entre les acteurs. Ce travail a été réalisé par des enquêtes auprès de différentes catégories d'acteurs pour reconstituer les faits et identifier leurs points de vue via une analyse de discours. Les propos recueillis ont permis de comprendre que l'évolution du contexte réglementaire, politique et économique ont régulièrement conduit les acteurs à renégocier le dispositif. Aujourd'hui des tensions entre la ville et les agriculteurs seraient expliquées par l'augmentation du nombre d'acteurs impliqués, qui complexifie les jeux d'acteurs et par le décalage entre eux sur les nouvelles actions à conduire pour protéger l'eau, notamment pour l'agriculture biologique. ; Water protection has been becoming a major issue since the last obligations, imposed by European and national rules reinforcement. Therefore water managers are forced to implement preventive measures, including leading an evolution of agricultural practices located near drinking water wells. Nevertheless, experience to manage this evolution on a territory scale is lacking to managers and scientists. So the research program "Agriculture Biologique et Périmètre de Captage", composed by three teams INRA and ISARA, makes a study of local interventions to encourage organic farming conversion near drinking water wells. Thus study for six months coordinated by Mirecourt INRA resarch team was established on Lons-le-Saunier lead protection of water case, considered as an example in this regard. This study exposes building steps of Lons-le-Saunier policy management and analyzes the evolution of protagonists' relationship. This work was carried out by protagonists' point of view surveys, through a discourse analysis. By this way, discourses allowed us to understand that regulatory, political and economic environments lead actors to negotiate management implements regularly and that nowadays, city and farmers' tensions would be explained by protagonists' involvement increase and by disagreement about allowed actions to protect water, especially for organic farming case.

The agency of lone mothers who rely on government income supports is often erased by the discourse of dependency, especially under welfare-to-work eligibility criteria. Here we apply the concept of small acts of micro-resistance in constrained circumstances, augmented by conceptualization of resistance as conscious oppositionality and intentionality to understand the agency of lone-mothers who receive income-assistance (IA) as they make-do and raise children under state- and market-enforced rules. Using a resistance lens reveals the interconnected importance of everyday acts like "talking back" to income-support staff, surreptitious gleaning of goods for resale, and re-storying the self. We describe these in three modalities: resistance as evasion and subterfuge; resistance through asserting positive identities; and resistance in forging their own path. Using a conceptual framework of resistance reveals the extent to which women's survival and capacity to raise children are contingent on a performance of compliance, demonstrating the impacts of welfare-to-work on female-headed lone parent families.

Using the UK Families and Children Study (FACS) (2008-09 wave), this paper assesses the contribution made by child maintenance to the income packages of lone mothers and whether it helps to lift them out of poverty. Results show that, despite reforms implemented in October 2008 which allowed parents on means-tested benefits to keep up to £20 per week of child maintenance, the effect on poverty is disappointing. The median amount of payments remains low and only a minority of lone mothers report receiving any money. This raises concerns about the UK Coalition government's latest proposals to introduce charges for using the statutory child maintenance scheme.

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Notes -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Part I: Populist Communicative Process in Comparative Perspective -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- 1.1 The Story -- 1.2 Overview of the Book -- References -- Chapter 2: Disrupting Transitional and Established Democracy: The Stories and Contexts of UKIP and the Economic Freedom Fighters -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Comparing Populisms -- 2.3 South Africa: Democratic Fragility and Descriptive Representation -- 2.3.1 Democratic Conditions and Public Attitudes -- 2.3.2 The EFF's Sovereign Heartland -- 2.3.3 The EFF's Disruptions of the State of the Nation Address -- 2.4 The UK: Upheaval in Established Democracy and Active Representation -- 2.4.1 Democratic Conditions and Public Attitudes -- 2.4.2 UKIP's Sovereign Heartland -- 2.4.3 UKIP's Disruptions of the European Parliament -- 2.5 Chapter Summary -- References -- Bibliography of Cited Data -- Chapter 3: A Communication Approach to Political Populism: Ideology, Performance and Representation -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Populism: Ideas, Performance, Process -- 3.2.1 Populism as Ideas -- 3.2.2 Populism as Performance -- 3.2.3 Populism's Core Features -- 3.2.4 Populism as Communicative Process: Ideology and Performance -- 3.3 Meaning-making and Political Representation -- 3.4 The Populist Representative Claim -- 3.4.1 Representative Claim-making -- 3.4.2 Disruptive Performance as Populist Claim-making -- 3.5 The Role of Context in Populist Representation -- 3.6 Chapter Summary -- References -- Part II: Populism as Ideology: Populism on Ideology -- Chapter 4: Populist Ideology and Communicative Process -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 The Structure of Populist Ideology -- 4.2.1 Populism's Thinness -- 4.2.2 Populism as a Bottom-Up Ideology -- 4.3 Populist Ideology as Communicative Process.

Part I: Populist Communicative Process in Comparative Perspective -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Chapter 2: Disrupting Transitional and Established Democracy: The Stories and Contexts of UKIP and the Economic Freedom Fighters -- Chapter 3: A Communication Approach to Political Populism: Ideology, Performance and Representation -- Part II: Populism as Ideology: Populism on Ideology -- Chapter 4: Populist Ideology and Communicative Process -- Chapter 5: UKIP's and the EFF's Populist Ideology -- Chapter 6: The Ideological Process of Populism -- Part III: Populism as Performance: Populism on Performance -- Chapter 7: Political Performance and Populist Representation -- Chapter 8: UKIP's and the EFF's Disruptive Performances -- Chapter 9: Populist Disruptive Performance: The Forms and Functions of Populist Representation -- Part IV: Populism as Mediation: Populism on Mediation -- Chapter 10: The Hybrid Mediation of Populism -- Chapter 11: Hybrid Mediation: UKIP's and the EFF's Performative Assemblages -- Chapter 12: Mediated Populism as Process -- Chapter 13: Conclusion.

In 1893, the Norwegian composer Johan Halvorsen, who had just been appointed as musical director at the theatre Den Nationale Scene in Bergen, received an offer. An offer to become professor at the Conservatory of Music in Bucharest, and head of a quartet. The pay was much higher than the one he had just accepted in Bergen. He was intrigued and flattered. He eventually turned down the offer, but not before having found out more about this far, but still European country. What he found out inspired him to write a march, The Entry of the Boyars, which has become one of the most beloved and popular pieces of Norwegian classical music. This story is used as a point of departure for a survey of Romanian history in the 1800s, a time when society and private life underwent thorough changes. To quote the writer Radu Rosetti, "I do not think that there is any other country in which all public and private life changed so rapidly and thoroughly as with us, and even more all traces of a past so relatively recent disappeared some completely and quickly as by us."

Adopting a poststructural approach this article explores the intersection of sexuality and social policy, particularly the role of policies in constituting sexual norms and through these, deserving and undeserving gendered welfare subjects. It examines unmarried and lone motherhood discourses of two periods - the 1830s and the 1990s - and shows that not only do particular representations of lone motherhood persist across the centuries but also that welfare policies perform a normalizing and regulatory role in relation to sexuality. It illustrates also how policy makers dismiss the moral, economic and sexual rationalities of welfare subjects, preferring instead to impose their own set of moral values. In exploring the sexuality-social policy dynamic it demonstrates that not only is social policy 'shot through' with sexuality but also that the two are mutually constitutive. Further, the article demonstrates the shifting dynamics of the normalization process whereby that which was once abhorred is embraced, as well as the ways that sexuality is regulated through social policy without resorting to the power of law or legal method.