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Immigrants who came to Europe in recent decades (work immigrants and/or refugees) grapple with intersectional identities, such as religion, nationality and gender, yet current political research addresses these issues only in part. To address these omissions, I conducted a content analysis of all parliamentary questions Muslim representatives raised in their parliamentary activities in three Western countries. I also investigated whether the representatives' invisibility pertains only to their descriptive representation or whether it affects their substantive representation by analyzing five research hypotheses for differences in the content of the parliamentary questions. I found that male and female Muslim representatives ask parliamentary questions about Muslim men and women. In addition, I developed an Intersectional Representation Index to measure and demonstrate the complexities Muslim representatives face in Western countries. The index shows that such representatives have several identities, some of which have become invisible, as previous studies indicated.

This article offers a dynamic approach to nationality formation within a multi-ethnic state. Instead of reifying national identities, these are conceptualized as political platforms both determining and determined by the power balance between the state's core and periphery. A simple computational model provides a test-bench for exploring the interaction between material and cultural factors. It is found that the more powerful the centre is compared to the opposition, the more inclusive the latter's national identity needs to be in order to guarantee revolutionary success. The article ends with an application of the theoretical framework to the historical development leading to the creation of Yugoslavia in World War I. The analysis suggests that an ecological selection mechanism war at least partly responsible for the rise of pan-Yugoslavism.

Considers the nationality problem in the former-Soviet state of Lithuania, focusing on the status of various ethnic groups. Throughout the Soviet period, Russians enjoyed majority status in Lithuania, while Lithuanians & other ethnic groups such as Poles were considered minority groups. This situation flipped in the post-Soviet context, with Lithuanians gaining majority status & Russians reverting to an ethnic minority. It is shown that, as Lithuanians pursued their goal of a national state in the late 1980s & early 1990s, Russians continued to maintain strong relations with Moscow, while Poles developed their own national-political program. Although the Lithuanians succeeded in achieving their goal of a nation-state, it is suggested that this success only stimulated other ethnic groups to struggle for their own cultural goals. It is concluded that the policies of the Lithuanian government have reinforced the corporate identity of both Russians & Poles, but without resulting in overt interethnic conflict. D. M. Smith

Citation: Houghman, Sarah C. Relation of American literature to American nationality. Senior thesis, Kansas State Agricultural College, 1903. ; Morse Department of Special Collections ; Introduction: America's total contribution to the world's literature when compared with that of many other nations, is both inferior in quality, and insignificant in amount. If American literature should claim our attention through its intrinsic literary value only, the proportion of time which it justly demand from us would be much smaller than it is. It is not, therefore, simply for the purpose of becoming acquainted with particular authors that we now take up the study of American literature; it is rather for the purpose of studying the relation which that literature bears to our national life. American literature does not mean merely the literature of the United States, produced since the adoption of the Constitution; it is far older than our national life. In its origin, it was not the voice of a united people and independent nation, but the disconnected and stammering utterances of a straggling line of English colonies, fighting for a foothold along the coast of an inhospitable land. Of course, the literature is now and has been for more than a century, the product of a politically independent nation. Our intellectual dependence upon England has likewise gradually lessened, and for more than a century we have been moving toward self confidence and independence in literary methods and thought. Our literature made its first feeble beginnings in a most fortunate time, when, as says Tyler: "The firmament of English literature was all ablaze with the light of her full orbed and most dazzling writers, the wits, the dramatists, scholars, orators, singers, philosophers, who formed that incomparable group of men gathered in London during the earlier years of the seventeenth century."