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This article investigates the implications of Thomas Frank's "conservative backlash" thesis that cultural cleavages have become much more important in contemporary American political life relative to traditional socioeconomic bases for political differentiation. We frame our research within the recent literature on the "polarization" of the electorate with respect to social and cultural issues. Using Hunter's "culture war" imagery, we examine the extent to which opposing cultural forces on issues of abortion, gay rights, women's extra-familial labor force participation, and child-rearing have become more important in shaping political identities and party preferences. We use data from twenty-six nationally representative surveys of the General Social Survey (GSS) from 1974 through 2010, and we find evidence of polarization in the liberal-conservative identities of respondents. We find that occupational class had a clear and consistent relationship to political views, which is relatively stable over time. We also find that cultural views are related to political identities, and that most features of the cultural component in our analysis are increasingly associated with liberal political views. Our results favor an interpretation of a changing role of cultural orientations in shaping political identities and provide tentative support for Frank's "Kansas hypothesis" as revealed in the GSS data.

Christopher Caldwell argues that President George W. Bush inherited many problems from the Clinton years. President Bush was similar to his predecessor as a baby-boomer, his amiability, and his solipicism. However, the Bush administration did make policy choices from a significantly different ideological base. Caldwell considers how and why policy determinations were made in economic matters and tax cuts, the re-invasion of Iraq, civil liberties and international relations. He summarizes with a first draft on the Bush legacy. Michael Lind maintains that President George W. Bush's tenure in office marked the end of the conservative movement in US politics. He outlines the history of the conservative movement from Goldwater's presidential run in 1964 to 2008. The administration's failure to privatize Social Security, rolling back the New Deal, marked conservatism's limits for the US electorate. Moreover, the president's foreign policy was too much of a departure from liberal internationalism or Kissingerian realism for broad public support as were proposed immigration policy and reductions of civil liberties. As a result, the former consensus within the Republican Party has been shattered. The accompanying audio files provide the complete recording of the two talks.

In the United States, right-wing hostility to female consumer advocates who held federal jobs or had the ear of federal officials was an important source of the crusade against "Communists in government," a primary engine of the Second Red Scare. The hunt for communists in the U.S. government, which began in the 1930s and reached a fever pitch in the 1950s, reshaped the terrain of party politics and halted expansion of the American welfare state. Conservatives' attack on the New Deal—often seen as triggered by the rise of mass production unionism—also was a reaction to the emergence of a consumer movement that was feminist, anti-racist, and pro-labor. That movement was predominantly female and wielded more influence over federal policy than scholars have recognized. Focusing on the League of Women Shoppers, the Consumers' National Federation, and the fate of their members who obtained positions in such government agencies as the Office of Price Administration, this article argues that conservative anticommunists' gendered animosity to the consumer movement was critical to the pre-history of the federal employee loyalty program created in 1947, and that civil servants with ties to consumer groups were prominent among that program's casualties.

It is generally taken for granted that countries governed by leftist governments expand social policies & have an affinity for active fiscal policy that implies higher tolerance of deficit-ridden budgets. In contrast, conservative governments are taken to be less likely to favor welfare expansion, especially when it has negative fiscal consequences. We challenge this conventional wisdom by comparing the reactions of the Swedish & Japanese governments to economic crises during the 1990s. The puzzle is that the Social Democratic governments in Sweden were able to reduce ballooning budget deficits & thus bring the economy back into balance, while still having one of the largest public sectors in the developed world. In contrast, the conservative Liberal Democratic Party governments in Japan have been unable to redress their deficit problems despite having one of the smallest public sectors among the Organisation for Economic Co-operation & Development countries. We argue that this can be explained by taking into consideration that governments' tax & spending policies are influenced by bureaucratic structures & institutionally driven public beliefs. By comparing Japan & Sweden, we show how political parties actively seek to make their policy stances permanent by structuring taxation & expenditure policies to create institutionalized support for their policy preferences. References. Adapted from the source document.

Business‐state relations in Chile's new democracy had been relatively tension‐free for the first two governments of the centre‐left Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia. However, during the first two years of the third Concertación administration, under the presidency of Ricardo Lagos, the relationship soured dramatically. At first glance, an ideological shift in the ruling coalition's centre of gravity would seem to explain the change in business‐state relations. During the first two governments more conservative factions of the centrist Christian Democratic party had controlled the Concertación. Lagos, on the other hand, represented the left pole of the coalition and his socialist credentials brought the long shadow of the past on his presidency. This, however is an insufficient cause, three additional conditions must also be taken into account. The first one considers changes in the institutional and economic context that eroded the private sector's confidence in the Concertación's commitment to maintain the free‐market socioeconomic model imposed under military rule. The second and third conditions are a decline in the electoral fortunes of the Concertación in favour of conservative parties and a shift in power relations among employers' associations towards more confrontational factions.

Several conditions contributed to bring about the 1964 coup against Goulart. Deteriorating economic conditions, with high inflation coupled with stagnation, alienated large sectors of the population, including the middle class, businessmen, and the military. Many considered Goulart's presidency illegitimate but did not question the regime itself. When it became clear after Goulart's removal that the military would install a dictatorship, many who had supported the ouster of Goulart turned against the military

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Original Title Page -- Original Copyright Page -- Editor's Foreword -- Preface -- Table of Contents -- 1: The French Republican Tradition -- Introduction -- The Historical Perspective of French Politics -- 2: The Background of the Social Order -- Peasant Origins -- Regional Sectionalism and the Influence of Paris -- Social Class -- The Church -- The Administrative and Cultural Centralisation of Modern France -- 3: The Constitution -- 4: The Executive -- The Presidency of the Republic -- The Government -- The Working of the Executive in the Fifth Republic -- Conclusion -- 5: The Legislature -- General Principles of Organisation of Parliament in the Fifth Republic -- Scope of Legislation -- The Legislative Struggle -- The Vote of Censure -- The Constitutional Council and Executive-Legislative Relations -- Conclusion -- 6: Political Parties -- General Characteristics of the French Party System -- The Communist Party -- The Socialist Party -- The Radical Socialist Party and the Centre-Left Groups -- The Conservative Groups, Independents and Peasants -- The Christian Democrats (Mouvement Républicain Populaire) -- The Gaullists : Rassemblement du Peuple Français and Union pour la Nouvelle République -- Conclusion -- 7: The Administration, The Judiciary, and Local Government -- The Administration -- The Judiciary -- Local Government -- Conclusion -- 8: Governments, Groups and Social and Economic Policy -- The State as Planner -- The State and Business -- The Government and Agriculture -- Trade Unions, The Government, and Industrial Relations -- Social Security -- Conclusion -- 9: From Union to Community and Beyond -- French Colonial Policy in Perspective. The French Union of 1946 -- The Community -- Algeria -- 10: Foreign Policy -- Early Postwar French Foreign Policy -- The Foreign Policy of the Fourth Republic.

Provides a comparative study of women's political participation and representation in contemporary Iran and Turkey Draws on 140 interviews with past and present female politicians and candidates, party elites, and women's rights activists in Iran and Turkey between 2009 to 2019Investigates women's political underrepresentation in Iran and Turkey by examining each respective country's electoral system, political party structure, government framework and state gender ideology Includes the voices, experiences and approaches of women's groups and political parties across the ideological spectrum in its analysis – from the Justice and Development Party and Women and Democracy Association in Turkey, to the Zeinab Society and Islamic Women's Coalition in IranHighlights Islamic women's agency as they challenge the gender discriminatory behaviours and attitudes of their male party leadersIncludes data and statistics related to the rate of women's candidacy and election to political office at the national level How have women in many Muslim-majority countries been able to achieve surprising success despite the significant constraints imposed by conservative gender ideology and authoritarian political parties and systems? Through a comparative focus on Iran and Turkey, Mona Tajali examines the activities and strategies of women's rights groups across the ideological spectrum. She explores how various groups have negotiated with political elites in order to bolster female political representation and identifies the conditions that stimulate greater support to ease women's path to political office. Studying how women's groups manoeuvre within these structures is important to help our understanding of the gendered politics of autocratic regimes

After the 2007-8 financial crisis, movements - and later parties - which brought 'the people' to the forefront began to dominate the European political scene. These mobilisations brought electoral success for left parties, translating the energies of the movements to the electoral level.
Although many people saw Corbynism as a similar political phenomenon, in the UK it was the Brexit campaign that was most successful in constructing a mass popular subjectivity. This article discusses the failure of the anti-austerity mobilisations in Britain to create a transversal popular
subjectivity, as happened in Spain and Greece; and it looks at Corbynism within the context of the popular left moment after 2007-8. In particular, it argues that, although the party under Corbyn's leadership did try to absorb the anti-austerity energy, and ultimately to present it in a manifesto
that could bring electoral victory, it did not succeed in this attempt. This was partly because the British anti-austerity movements had not had the same social extent as the movements of the squares in Greece and Spain; partly because the Labour Party has very rarely seen itself, or behaved
as, a populist party; and partly because Corbynism did not manage to deal with the challenge of Brexit. But there are also factors outside of the control of the leadership of the party, including the interplay between Corbynism and the Conservatives; the relationship between Corbynism and
Momentum; and the nature of the discourses in circulation during this period.

AUSTRALIA WENT TO THE POLLS ON 5 MARCH 1983 FOR THE SIXTH TIME IN JUST OVER 10 YEARS. AND IN AN ORDERLY, UNEXCITING ELECTION THEY THREW OUT MALCOLM FRASER'S SEVEN-YEAR-OLD LIBERAL COALITION GOVERNMENT AND GAVE THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY ITS BEST CHANCE SINCE THE 1940S TO ESTABLISH ITSELF AS THE PARTY OF GOVERNMENT. THE BASIC EXPLANATION FOR THE CHANGE OF GOVERNMENT, WITH A 4 PER CENT SWING FROM 1980, PROBABLY LIES IN THE STATE OF THE ECONOMY. AUSTRALIA IS A DEEPLY GROWTH-ORIENTED COUNTRY AND THE SURGING ADVANCES OF THE 1950S AND 1960S CAME TO A HALT WITH THE WORLD DEPRESSION AT THE END OF THE 1970S. BY 1982 THE OECD PUT AUSTRALIA AT THE BOTTOM OF ITS LEAGUE TABLE FOR INFLATION AND FOR STAGNATION AND IT LOOKED AS IF IT WOULD SOON BE AT THE BOTTOM FOR UNEMPLOYMENT. 'IN BAD TIMES, THROW THE RASCALS OUT' IS A FAMILIAR ADAGE. IN SOME COUNTRIES, NOTABLY BRITAIN, OBSERVERS CLAIM THAT THERE IS A NEW AWARENESS OF HOW MUCH BAD TIMES ARE DUE TO EXTERNAL CIRCUMSTANCES AND OF HOW LITTLE POLITICIANS CAN DO; THIS COULD TURN THE ADAGE UPSIDE DOWN. MR FRASER'S ADVISERS HOPED THAT HE WOULD BE SAVED BY POPULAR SCEPTICISM ABOUT THE LABOR PARTY AND ITS LEADER. BUT HIS RUBBISHING OF HIS OPPONENTS MAY HAVE PROVED COUNTER-PRODUCTIVE: AFTER ALL, THE LABOR TEAM, FAR MORE THAN WHEN GOUGH WHITLAM WON IN 1972, WAS MADE UP OF PRUDENT, MODERATE MEN WHO WERE NOT GOING TO FRIGHTEN EVEN THE CAUTIOUS CONSERVATIVE VOTERS OF AUSTRALIA.

Front Cover -- Contested Memories in Chinese and Japanese Foreign Policy -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Timeline of the Events -- 1 Theorizing the Role of Collective Memory in International Politics -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Memory, History, and the Idea of "Usable Past" -- 1.2.1 Instrumentalism -- 1.2.2 Historical Determinism -- 1.2.3 Culturalist Approaches -- 1.3 Remembering, Forgetting, Censoring, andForeign Policy -- 1.4 Memory and the Interpretive Approach -- 1.5 Outline of the Book -- 2 Japan's Memory During the Postwar Period (1945-1989) -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Japanese Victims and the American Wedge -- 2.3 The Conservative Tradition -- 2.4 The Japanese Left and the Postwar Antimilitarism -- 2.5 The Yoshida Doctrine between Strategy and Memory -- 2.6 The Vietnam War and the Opening to China -- 2.7 The Rise of Neo-Conservatives -- 2.8 Conclusion -- 3 The Battle of Memory in the Heisei Era -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 The End of ShMwa as Dilemma -- 3.3 The First Progressive Interlude -- 3.4 The Conservative Backlash and the Normalization of Japan -- 3.5 The Democratic Party of Japan and the Second Progressive Interlude -- 3.6 Abe ShinzM and the End of the Postwar Regime -- 3.7 Conclusion -- 4 China's Collective Memory between the Revolution and Tiananmen Square -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 The Tradition of National Salvation -- 4.3 Class Struggle, the Victor Narrative and the Good Japanese -- 4.4 Collective Memory and Foreign Policy in the Maoist period -- 4.5 Deng and the Reversal of Verdicts on China's Past -- 4.6 Deng's China: Toward Modernity, Wealth, and Power -- 4.7 Conclusion -- 5 Collective Memory and Foreign-Policy in China after the Cold War -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Tiananmen Square and the Dilemmas of 1989 -- 5.3 Patriotic Education and the Return of the Century of Humiliation -- 5.4 Memories of Mao.

AbstractIn the postwar era, conservatives manipulated concerns about union corruption and organized crime in order to score political points against New Deal Democrats and to win new legal restrictions on union power. The resulting racketeer menace had much in common with the contemporary red scare. Antiunion conservatives framed the issue of labor racketeering in terms that resembled the language then being mobilized against internal communist espionage and subversion. This rhetoric proliferated in the congressional debates of the postwar era. Proponents of the Taft-Hartley Act invoked the racketeer menace in 1946 and 1947. They depicted the law as an effort to curb racketeering and thus protect workers and the general public by restricting abusive union power. In the years that followed, a series of congressional hearings into union corruption kept attention focused on the issue of racketeering. For the Eisenhower Administration this campaign against labor racketeering offered a chance to peel the working-class vote away from the Democratic Party by politically dividing union members from their leadership. The culmination of this trend came at the end of the 1950s during the McClellan Committee hearings, which was the largest congressional investigation up to that time. Those hearings transformed Teamsters President James R. Hoffa into a potent symbol of the danger posed by labor racketeering. The committee's revelations and the publicity they received undercut the labor movement. Polls showed growing public skepticism toward unions, and especially union leaders. Such attitudes helped conservatives win a new round of legislative restrictions on organized labor in the form of the Landrum-Griffin Act (1959).

El gobierno de Lula representó la culminación de un proceso de circulación de elites en Brasil: llegó al poder nacional con un conjunto de liderazgos oriundos de los sectores hasta entonces excluidos del acceso directo al gobierno del país. Además, se consolidó una bipolarización partidaria centrista, con el PT a la centro-izquierda y el PSDB al centro, pero atrayendo los sectores sociales más conservadores, privados de una derecha partidaria capaz de representarlos en las disputas del gobierno nacional. ; Lula's administration represented the ultimate step of a process of circulation of elites in Brazil: the national power was gathered by a group of leaders who came from the social sectors historically excluded from the direct access to the country's government. In addition, it was consolidated a centrist bipolarization between PT and PSDB, the former at the center-to-the-left and the last one at the center, however attracting the most conservative social sectors who were deprived of a partisan right that was capable of represent them in the national government political contests. ; Fil: Gonçalves Couto, Cláudio. Fundação Getúlio Vargas. Departamento de Gestão Pública ; Brasil.

Michelle Goldberg, a senior political reporter for Salon.com, has been covering the intersection of politics and ideology for years. Before the 2004 election, and during the ensuing months when many Americans were trying to understand how an administration marked by cronyism, disregard for the national budget, and poorly disguised self-interest had been reinstated, Goldberg traveled through the heartland of a country in the grips of a fevered religious radicalism: the America of our time. From the classroom to the mega-church to the federal court, she saw how the growing influence of dominionism-the doctrine that Christians have the right to rule nonbelievers-is threatening the foundations of democracy.In Kingdom Coming, Goldberg demonstrates how an increasingly bellicose fundamentalism is gaining traction throughout our national life, taking us on a tour of the parallel right-wing evangelical culture that is buoyed by Republican political patronage. Deep within the red zones of a divided America, we meet military retirees pledging to seize the nation in Christ's name, perfidious congressmen courting the confidence of neo-confederates and proponents of theocracy, and leaders of federally funded programs offering Jesus as the solution to the country's social problems.With her trenchant interviews and the telling testimonies of the people behind this movement, Goldberg gains access into the hearts and minds of citizens who are striving to remake the secular Republic bequeathed by our founders into a Christian nation run according to their interpretation of scripture. In her examination of the ever-widening divide between believers and nonbelievers, Goldberg illustrates the subversive effect of this conservative stranglehold nationwide. In an age when faith rather than reason is heralded and the values of the Enlightenment are threatened by a mystical nationalism claiming divine sanction, Kingdom Coming brings us face to face with the irrational forces that are remaking much of America.