Suchergebnisse

This research studies the activist audiovisual of social and political intervention field, deepening the emergence of video activism 2.0. We refer to a number of alternative and political audiovisual works, of denunciation and resistance, leveraging the accessibility, ease, immediacy and versatility offered by current technologies (audiovisual, computers, telematics and communication) and new global digital scenarios of the web 2.0. Performances where the old and the new, the past and the present, clearly converge. For the purposes of accounting for our research objective, we proceeded to conduct a theoretical and descriptive study. We did a systematization of research on audiovisual activism. Here we identify goals, tactics and strategies to characterize and differentiate them according to their experimental, aesthetic, critical and political aspects. The study results allowed us to elucidate what is old in the new and what is new in the new, that is, specify the characteristics and specificities of current audiovisual works and their similarities and differences about their background. ; El presente artículo busca caracterizar el campo del audiovisual activista de intervención social y política, y en particular las actuales prácticas de activismo audiovisual 2.0. Nos referimos a una serie de prácticas audiovisuales alternativas, políticas, de denuncia y resistencia, que aprovechan ahora la accesibilidad, facilidad, inmediatez y versatilidad que ofrecen las tecnologías actuales (audiovisuales, informáticas, telemáticas y comunicacionales) y los nuevos escenarios digitales globales de la web 2.0 para desplegar su capacidad de acción e intervención (tecno)política. Prácticas en donde lo viejo y lo nuevo, el pasado y el presente, claramente convergen. Metodológicamente se procedió a la realización de un estudio teórico y descriptivo, con el objetivo de analizar estas prácticas, para entender cuáles son sus características y especificidades (experimentales, estéticas, críticas, narrativas, tecnológicas y políticas), cuáles sus potencialidades y posibilidades de intervención social y política, sus desarrollos actuales y sus similitudes y diferencias respecto de sus antecedentes.

Digital media continue to reshape political activism in unexpected ways. Within a period of a few years, the internet-enabled UK citizens' movement 38 Degrees has amassed a membership of 3 million and now sits alongside similar entities such as America's MoveOn, Australia's GetUp! and the transnational movement Avaaz. In this article, we contribute to current thinking about digital media and mobilisation by addressing some of the limitations of existing research on these movements and on digital activism more generally. We show how 38 Degrees' digital network repertoires coexist interdependently with its strategy of gaining professional news media coverage. We explain how the oscillations between choreographic leadership and member influence and between digital media horizontalism and elite media-centric work constitute the space of interdependencies in which 38 Degrees acts. These delicately balanced relations can quickly dissolve and be replaced by simpler relations of dependence on professional media. Yet despite its fragility, we theorise about how 38 Degrees may boost individuals' political efficacy, irrespective of the outcome of individual campaigns. Our conceptual framework can be used to guide research on similar movements.

This article looks at how high-profile individual and collective actors within the worlds of sport and politics seek to advance their views on significant social issues. It focuses on the public debate around the anti-racist actions taken by the England men's football team at Euro 2020 and uses a form of critical discourse analysis to look at how the England manager and players, on one side, and members of the UK Government, on the other, sought to gain and maintain legitimacy for their opposing positions. It also seeks to understand legitimacy as a relational process, by looking at how members of the public and national newspapers responded. Drawing on Strittmatter et al.'s framework of legitimacy, the article examines the subjects, sources, strategies, bases and scenarios of each side's efforts. The article seeks to contribute to a more detailed understanding of political discourse and legitimacy in the context of sport, as well as offering some critical reflections on the nexus of sport and politics.

Este artículo esclarece una diferencia establecida por los sociólogos entre las nociones de espectador y de público. Con base en esa distinción y en una encuesta etnográfica efectuada en Francia a espectadores distantes de la violencia en Colombia, se establece que esos observadores no pueden ser considerados como un público concernido por la problemática colombiana. El artículo explica por qué resulta difícil transformar a esos espectadores en un público. Esa transformación no se da fácilmente, no tanto por el hecho de que muchos espectadores franceses no tengan vínculos particulares con Colombia, sino más bien debido a dos razones. Primero, porque no es frecuente que la problemática colombiana surja como un objeto de discusión cotidiana en Francia. Y segundo, porque los espectadores franceses tienen dificultades para volver inteligible lo que ocurre en Colombia. ; This paper clarifies a distinction the sociologists make between the notions of spectator and public. Based on this distinction and on an ethnographic survey carried out in France among people who are distant spectators of the violence in Colombia, the paper states that these observers cannot be considered as a public concerned by Colombian issues. The purpose is to explain why it is difficult to turn those spectators into a public. This transformation does not come easily, not so much by the fact that many French viewers have no particular ties with Colombia, but rather because of two reasons. Firstly, because it is not common that the Colombian internal problems emerge as a subject of daily discussion in France. Secondly, because French spectators strive to make what is happening in Colombia intelligible.

Abstract
This article delves into the dynamics of the "model change" within the Hungarian higher education during the covid-19 crisis, focusing on grassroots reactions in the University of Pécs. Amid pandemic-related restrictions, the study reveals how online platforms fostered collective action, allowing stakeholders discuss and voice concerns this change. The analysis uncovers a pattern where representative leadership sidelined democratic decision-making, indicating a disconnection between representation and accountability. Rooted in historical relational patterns and prevailing political culture, this detachment highlights the need for improved mechanisms of accountability. By presenting a participatory action research, the study underscores the transformative role of grassroots communities and trade unions in advocating collective interests and values. The paper emphasizes that online platforms, while promoting accessibility and pluralism, need to address the quality of participation. Overall, the research contributes to the complexities of decision-making in higher education transitions and the challenges of representation and accountability.

Reviews the development of Black and Latino electoral power in New York City since World War II, assesses its potential and limitations for meeting the needs of Blacks and Latinos, and documents the development of social activism as an alternative to electoral strategies of empowerment. Traces how the process of ethnicization of the U.S. working class has consigned Blacks to the lower working class, resting on a historical dialectic between white people as the marker of free labor and Blacks as the marker of slave labor. (Original abstract - amended)

"From Alaska to Florida, millions of immigrants and their supporters took to the streets across the United States to rally for immigrant rights in the spring of 2006. The scope and size of their protests, rallies, and boycotts made these the most significant events of political activism in the United States since the 1960s. This accessibly written volume offers the first comprehensive analysis of this historic moment. Perfect for students and general readers, its essays, written by a multidisciplinary group of scholars and grassroots organizers, trace the evolution and legacy of the 2006 protest movement in engaging, theoretically informed discussions. The contributors cover topics including unions, churches, the media, immigrant organizations, and immigrant politics"--

The abuses and atrocities committed against Indigenous populations during the colonial era are coming back to haunt the old imperial powers. As the idea of retributive justice becomes increasingly popular, former colonizing countries such as Britain, Spain, and the Netherlands are being held to account, through lawsuits and national apologies, for crimes they committed against Native populations, requiring them to confront some of the grimmer aspects of their imperial pasts. This comparative study explores attitudes toward the existence of German, Spanish, American, and British concentration camps at the turn of the 19th Century. Through a critical genealogical study of these camp cultures, this text explores how imperialists and anti-imperialists have justified and condemned these camps and analyzes the continued debate on their legality, legitimacy, and necessity. Crucially, the study looks at current disputes between those who wish to revive memories of the struggles faced by Cuban guerillas, the Boers, and the Herero and Nama communities who were the victim of such horrendous atrocities and those who against calls for restorative justice for these crimes.

"This textbook for courses on women and politics thematically integrates two profound historical developments focusing on women's political participation in contemporary public life in the United States. The second wave of women's rights activism has now spanned a half century producing a revolution in women's presence and influence in the public realm of American life. Over the course of this same era, however, a second phenomenon of rising economic inequality has also dramatically changed the American landscape. Burrell's text uniquely examines the effect of the age of inequality on women's advancement toward economic and political equality and in turn how policy initiatives of the women's movement have addressed inequality issues. Students will come to better understand what's at stake in the politics and policy issues from the women's rights movement to the "war on women" debate.Explaining a diverse set of issues and viewpoints, Burrell brings a fresh approach to the engagement of women in the public realm over the past half century. Framing this activism in the great economic divide of the same time period provides a thought-provoking, challenging, and broad thematic approach to this history. The text chronicles the many diverse types of actions women have taken in the contemporary era to achieve gender equity, empowerment, and a greater public voice. Women'"both liberal feminist and conservative'" have run for and been elected to positions of leadership at all levels of government. Women have formed organizations to lobby for equity in employment and education, in the military and to promote reproductive rights. They have engaged in unconventional political activities marching against and protesting the actions and policies of economic corporations and governmental institutions. Women with few economic resources have joined together to challenge local power structures. In addition to efforts to improve the lives and status of women in the United States, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have formed to promote global women's rights. Readers of this text will gain a great appreciation of the multiple political voices of American women and the challenges to continued unequal voices."--Provided by publisher.

This paper analyzes the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) by social movements in Brazil, especially during the 2018 presidential elections won by Far Right candidate Jair Bolsonaro. I argue that techno-deterministic behavior of Brazilian leftist groups contributed to Jair Bolsonaro's victory. A broader analysis of Brazilian crisis of hegemony is made to understand the context in which social movements and digital activists act. I also criticize the concept of tactical media from a Gramscian approach. Brazilian digital activists abandoned tactical use of social media made in June 2013's demonstrations and acted guided from a techno-deterministic belief in ICT powers. That way, those activists end up letting their political actions follow an algorithmic logic that we call encoded activism.

This work outlines the way student theatre groups managed to negotiate a degree of independence with the ideological and administrative State authorities in charge of artistic activities in post-Staline USSR. As a theatrical mode of expression as well as a type of social behaviour, did stageplay lead some youths to outplay the moral norms and organizational, discursive and aesthetic paradigms that were imposed on them? Even though those groups seemed to reproduce most official paradigms, irony together with a degree spirit of their minds resulting from artistic practice, allowed them to "play" with the dramatic framework and even at times to "outplay" it, while remaining within the limits of what was socially and artistically acceptable. Though they never went as far as constituting hotbeds of insurrection, the groups studied here could indeed be construed as outposts where a certain independence of mind and action remained possible. This research is based on interviews and both private and public archives and retraces the productions and operative modes of several types of groups: "theatre workshops" overseen by professionals, "studios" created by students themselves, teams running for KVN (a popular TV game where teams compete by giving funny answers to questions and performing sketches), "propaganda brigades" whose purpose was to spread urban culture in the countryside and on major building sites. ; Ce travail retrace la manière dont des troupes de théâtre composées d'étudiants négociaient les marges d'autonomie vis-à-vis de l'appareil administratif et idéologique chargé d'encadrer les activités artistiques dans l'URSS de l'époque poststalinienne. Le jeu - en tant que mode d'expression dramatique mais aussi en tant que comportement social - pouvait-il conduire des jeunes à déjouer les normes morales, les paradigmes organisationnels, discursifs et esthétiques qui leur étaient imposés ? Même si les groupes semblaient reproduire la plupart de ces paradigmes, l'ironie et une certaine libéralisation de l'esprit, ...

In the current situation of the so-called 'war on terror' the question of political activism in the face of an oppressive hegemony becomes acutely important. The role of academics and intellectuals in this context is the particular focus of this forum. Questions of agency, subjectivity and activism more broadly are raised, but the specific location of the international relations scholar needs to be considered too. Are scholars inevitably already politically located, as everyone is, or is there a sense in which they have a particular responsibility to discharge? How might one begin to imagine a different, perhaps oppositional, form of engagement, and what can this lead to in practice? Contributions engage with questions of normative consciousness, the specificity of cosmopolitanism and its disregard of the postcolonial experience, and forms of activism and contestation that exist already, as well as considering in more theoretical terms what possibilities for a different and more thoroughly ethico-political mode of engagement there might be.