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Traditionally the Latin America in all sectors of the knowledge and scientific production has faced the reality of developed countries, especially Europe and United States of America. This relationship in the area of health has always been complex because its natural assets always served for researches and later production and patenting of pharmaceuticals. In addition the entire base of medicinal products has always been geared towards the production of synthetic drugs. The aim with this article is to demonstrate that although social indicators have yet to be improved, we have bases to think of the advance of the democratization process in Latin America, allowing the execution of projects that lead to a sovereignty of health.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the consideration of McCarthyism as one of the leading factors that influenced the cultural policy and politics of memory in the United States throughout the entire period of the Cold War. Methods and materials. The ways of representing the atmosphere of conservative ideological control in the United States in the films of the 1950's – 2010's are explored. Films are considered media texts, and the images contained in them are considered symbolic resources used to form and transform a collective identity, legitimize power, its control, and repressive technologies and practices – social mobilization, politicization of everyday life, censorship, and segregation into "their" and "strangers." Analysis. In the course of the historical and imagological analysis, a conditional typology of potential agents of McCarthyism is made. The following are distinguished: institutional conformist careerists, administrators; "soft" conformists – failed oppositionists to political pressure; indoctrinated representatives of mass culture, demonstrating the active complicity of the authorities in imposing ideological labels and encouraging spy mania and exposure. Results. Conclusions are drawn that McCarthyism has become a form of anti-Americanism, moral corrosion, and commemorative trauma in American society, the result of the escalation of the cultural, ideological, and mental "storm," producing a state of intolerance not only to the image of the enemy but also to the Other as a whole. This required more than half a century of overcoming and purifying in the media space.

1. Introduction -- 2. The "way" of peasant politics : agrarian revolt and the little tradition : the religious dimension -- 3. Themes of peasant politics : localism, syncretism, profanation : agrarian revolt and the little tradition : the political dimension -- 4. Modes of dissimulation -- 5. Dissimulation in practice : resistance to the tithe in France and Malaysia : below the radar -- 6. The state's grip on the vernacular world -- 7. The production of legal identities proper to states : the case of the permanent family surname.

This paper studies the relationship between the hazard rate of the exit of a president of a central bank and a measure of credibility in monetary policy. The expected hazard rate of exit is estimated as a function of legal and political variables. The measure of credibility is the expected probability of a disinflation beginning when inflation is rising. For a sample of 22 Latin American and G7 countries, I find a negative relationship between the hazard rate of exit and the measure of credibility. This provides evidence of the expected relationship between independence and credibility not found in previous cross country studies. Using the executive's party ideology as a measure of aversion to inflation, there was no evidence that this relationship is different for countries where the government is identified as more conservative. However, when a president of the central bank appointed by a conservative government is in office, a rise in the probability of a disinflation beginning when inflation was rising was found. The results show that legal independence after controlling for the hazard rate of the president's exit is not associated with credibility gains.

This concise, accessible text presents an overview of the relevance of culture for politics. Culture figures prominently in the theories of the great classics such as Marx, Durkheim and Weber. Recently, the cultural approach to politics has developed quickly, and the concept of political culture has played a role in these developments, particularly given the emergence of large-scale survey research into political value orientations. Seeking to outline this rapid development, the book is divided into three sections: Section I of the book discusses the relevance of cultural perspectives to polit.

Following the theoretical and empirical findings reviewed in an article published in a previous issue of Estudios Internacionales on the impact of globalisation on fiscal policies of Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), countries1, this paper presents empirical research on the impact of globalisation and democracy on tax policies of 17 Latin American countries in the 1980s and 1990s. Using different indicators to capture globalisation (capital mobility and openness), democracy (Index of Freedom) and the statutory tax rate (Corporate Income Tax Rate, Personal Income Tax Rate and Value- Added Tax Rate), this article analyses whether globalisation presents a negative or positive correlation with capital and high income tax rates, labour and consumers tax rates in Latin American countries considered. Additionally, it assesses whether globalisation and democracy exert a «compensatory» or «efficient» effect on capital, labour and consumers tax rates in Latin America. ; Siguiendo los resultados teóricos y empíricos analizados en un artículo publicado en un número previo de Estudios Internacionales sobre el impacto de la globalización en las políticas fiscales de los países de la Organización para la Cooperación y el Desarrollo Económico (OCDE), este artículo presenta una investigación empírica sobre el impacto de la globalización y la democracia en las políticas fiscales de 17 países latinoamericanos en las décadas de 1980 y 1990. Usando diferentes indicadores para medir globalización (movilidad de capital y apertura comercial), democracia (Índice de Libertad) y la tasa de impuesto legal (Tasa de Impuesto a las Empresas, Tasa de Impuesto a los Ingresos Personales, y Tasa del Impuesto al Valor Agregado), este artículo analiza si la globalización presenta una negativa o positiva correlación con las tasas de impuesto al capital y ingresos altos, tasa de impuesto al trabajo, y tasa de impuesto a los consumidores en los países de Latinoamérica analizados. Adicionalmente, se evalúa si la ...

"This volume investigates a galaxy of diverse networks and intellectual actors who engaged in a wide political environment, from conservatism to the most radical right, between the World Wars. Looking beyond simply Fascism, it considers the less-investigated domain of the 'Latin space', encompassing countries of both Southern Europe and Latin America. A wider and intricate analytical framework emerges, exploring right-wing intellectual agents and their networks, their travels and the circulation of ideas, during the interwar period and on a transatlantic scale, offering an original contribution to the debate on interwar authoritarian regimes and opening new possibilities for research"--

The intensity and varied nature of violence in Latin America has confronted social scientists with an urgent object of study. This essay examines how, by studying different processes of violence, social scientists have become embedded in wider networks of expertise spanning across civil society and the state. By participating in these networks, Latin American students of violence have enacted important intellectual and political interventions. I examine how the expert commissions for the study of violence launched by the Colombian state in 1958 and 1987 made landmark contributions to Colombian social sciences and produced representations of the country's past that amplified calls for the transformation of the political regime as it existed in the 1950s and 1980s. I also analyze how, by putting forth the concept of feminicide to describe the violence faced by women and girls in Mexico, feminist scholars opened the door for holding the state accountable for its inaction against these crimes, paving the way toward reshaping the country's criminal code and the implementation of social policies that adequately protect women's lives. Investigating these interventions in the context of wider networks of expertise evidences how the study of violence in Latin America has pushed social scientists out of the ivory tower, moving them to engage other social actors not only as informants but also as partners and allies.

American Gridlock brings together the country's preeminent experts on the causes, characteristics, and consequences of partisan polarization in US politics and government, with each chapter presenting original scholarship and novel data. This book is the first to combine research on all facets of polarization, among the public (both voters and activists), in our federal institutions (Congress, the presidency, and the Supreme Court), at the state level, and in the media. Each chapter includes a bullet-point summary of its main argument and conclusions, and is written in clear prose that highlights the substantive implications of polarization for representation and policy-making. Authors examine polarization with an array of current and historical data, including public opinion surveys, electoral and legislative and congressional data, experimental data, and content analyses of media outlets. American Gridlock's theoretical and empirical depth distinguishes it from any other volume on polarization

This book sets forth a pathbreaking social and demographic portrait of Latino legal immigrants from a political perspective, comparing and contrasting them with the broader Latino population and discussing, based on survey research data, the experiences of Latinos from Central and South America.