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Reports major results of a program of research on the measurement & analysis of socioeconomic development conducted 1970-1985 by the UN Research Instit for Social Development. A new analytic line was established between development variables that minimized the sum of absolute deviations from the line, rather than the sum of the squares of deviation, as in regression. This permitted the establishment of a correspondence system that showed what value of any given indicator corresponded with what values of all other indicators of development, which was used to establish a correspondence grid on which the values of any given country could be profiled. Using this profile, it was found that fast-developing countries had a relatively high level of education & a relatively low level of investment in 1970, while the reverse was true for slow-developing countries. 9 Tables, 3 Figures, 2 Photographs, 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

Reviews current international standards and mechanisms to combat slavery and human rights violations, and roles of UN commissions and working groups.

Fukuyama reviews 'The Character of Nations: How Politics Makes and Breaks Prosperity, Family, and Civility' by Angelo M. Codevilla. A book review is presented of The Character of Nations: How Politics Makes and Breaks Prosperity, Family, and Civility by Angelo M. Codevilla.

The post Cast your vote for the best United Nations treaty body decision of 2023! appeared first on Völkerrechtsblog.

"This collection provides new ways to understand how state power was exercised during the overlapping Liao, Song, Jin, and Yuan dynasties. Through a set of case studies, it examines large questions concerning dynastic legitimacy, factional strife, the relationship between the literati and the state, and the value of centralization. How was state power exercised? Why did factional strife periodically become ferocious? Which problems did reformers seek to address? Could subordinate groups resist the state? How did politics shape the sources that survive? The nine essays explore key elements of state power, ranging from armies, taxes, and imperial patronage to factional struggles, officials' personal networks, and ways to secure control of conquered territory. Drawing on new sources, research methods, and historical perspectives, the contributors illuminate the institutional side of state power while confronting evidence of instability and change--of ways to gain, lose, or exercise power"--Provided by publisher

"Shaped by his twenty-five years traveling the world, and enlivened by encounters with villagers from Rio to Beijing, tycoons, and presidents, Ruchir Sharma's The Rise and Fall of Nations rethinks the 'dismal science' of economics as a practical art. Narrowing the thousands of factors that can shape a country's fortunes to ten clear rules, Sharma explains how to spot political, economic, and social changes in real time. He shows how to read political headlines, black markets, the price of onions, and billionaire rankings as signals of booms, busts, and protests. Set in a post-crisis age that has turned the world upside down, replacing fast growth with slow growth and political calm with revolt, Sharma's pioneering book is an entertaining field guide to understanding change in this era or any era."

Argues that the government must strengthen the state and expand its presence into the remote areas in which the leftist guerrillas have established parastatal organizations; based on developments since 1982.

The development cooperation (DC) of the United Nations (UN) at the end of the 1990s can be described and assessed as follows: • The UN is an important pillar of multilateral DC. The organization is endowed with some fundamental presuppositions (universality, a high level of legitimation, good presence at country level) needed to deal with important development- cooperation tasks. This is above all true for politically sensitive areas and global challenges. • Still, UN development cooperation is often perceived as weak and lacking in effectiveness. This is due on the one hand to shortcomings such as institutional fragmentation, inadequate financial mechanisms, and deficient quality standards, which constitute a tangible obstacle to effectiveness and efficiency. On the other hand, another factor responsible for this state of affairs is an often poor UN image that is largely based on exaggerated criticism. • Following several decades in which reform debates at times proved intransigent and relatively unproductive, Secretary- General Kofi Annan in particular is now providing important new impulses aimed at reshaping the whole of UN development cooperation. Moreover, individual UN agencies like the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) have, in the 1990s, embarked on an ambitious course of reform. Though the efforts undertaken by the Secretary- General toward improving the coordination of UN activities, enhancing quality, mobilizing financial resources, etc. are on the whole reasonable, they are nevertheless by no means sufficient in that certain important structural problems can be solved only by the member states themselves. • To what extent the reform process already initiated will in the coming years be characterized by stagnation or by dynamism will largely depend on the policies of the UN member states. The central obstacles to reforms consist here in disinterest and anti-UN invectives on the part of many governments. What is instead called for is a tangible member- state commitment to reforms. There is often a lack of reform concepts, of the will to set aside national interests (for instance in personnel policy), and of a sufficient level of willingness to put the Secretary-General's overall reform program into practice. • Germany can play a more active role in the reform debate as a means of strengthening UN development cooperation. Not least on account of the level of German contributions, a greater German commitment - including an indirect commitment via the European Union (EU) - could provide some important impulses toward reform.

AbstractThis article examines European telecommunications through the conceptual lenses of the 'competition' and the 'regulatory' state, exploring their complementarities and tensions. It analyses the EU's electronic communications regulatory framework, exposing contradictions in the EU‐level competition and regulatory state in telecommunications in the context of the well‐developed variety at the national level.