Suchergebnisse

Thousands of lobbyists lobby decision-makers in Brussels every day, but little is known about their impact on policy. 'Lobbying in the European Union' addresses this research gap and analyses the conditions under which interest groups can successfully lobby the European institutions

In this article in the section on Multidimensional Security, the EU's search for its role as a global player is explored by the assessment of four possibilities to develop the European foreign security & defense policy (EFSP) without the enactment of the Constitutional Treaty (CT). The six possibilities for development delineated as opportunities are inclusive of institutional reorganization, interinstitutional agreements, legal acts by the Council, flexible cooperation between member states that could result in the election of President of the European Council & the establishment of a Foreign Affairs Council, the appointment of a Foreign Affairs Minster & the creation of an European External action Service, the development of the European Defense Agency, the reutilization of enhanced permanent structure cooperation. The "back door" reforms of the EFSP, although possible, are questioned in terms of a direction for the EU, & the author concludes that placing reforms firmly in the context of the European Security Strategy would be a good place to start . References. J. Harwell

This paper describes the monetary policy of the European Central Bank since the birth of the Euro. The different economic situations and the monetary policies implemented during the mandate of each one of the three ECB presidents are analysed as a process of evolution. We study the situations of cyclical asynchrony together with the response given to it by the European monetary authority. We also assess the change experienced by the main economic indicators of the twelve founding countries during the 20 years of the single currency. The main conclusion obtained is that monetary policy has evolved from the strict approach defined in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union to an approach closer to that of the rest of central banks, which we have called "monetary realpolitik".

Avrupa'nın tarifleri içerisinde en doğrusu artık fiziksel değil kimyasal bir birleşmeye benzediğidir. Bu birleşme sonunda oluşan bileşik elementlerine kolay kolay ayrılamaz ve artık eskisinden farklı daha kompleks ve yararlıdırlar. Bu egemenlik devri sonunda artık daha güçlü, ulusal çıkarların farklı olmasından kaynaklanan sorunları geride bırakan bir "biz" kullanılacaktır.Karşılıklı yanlış anlamalarla dolu uzun bir sürenin sonunda 11 Aralık 1999'da Helsinki'de yapılan Konsey Zirvesinde Türkiye'nin de diğer adaylarla koşut şartlara maruz aday olduğu ana referans haline gelen bir politik doküman ile kabul edildi. Katılım müzakerelerini tamamlayan Merkez ve Doğu Avrupa Ülkeleri gibi, Türkiye de, eğer ekonomik ve politik kriterlerdeki hızlı gelişmesini öne sürerek zorlamazsa, müzakerelere 2005' te başlayacaktır.Müzakerelerin en zor kısımlarından biri kabaca müktesebatın yarısını oluşturan ortak tarım politikalarına uyum olacaktır. Gümrük birliğinin kapsamında olan endüstriyel kısımlarıyla Türkiye'nin tarım ürünleri, nüfus yapısı ve kapasitesi gibi özel koşulları irdelenmelidir. Bu açıdan kendisinin geçeceği yolu, başarılı bir değişim süreci ve birlik mali desteği ile aşan, adaylık müzakeresi bitmiş ülkelerin deneyimi iyi bir örnek oluşturacaktır.Türkiye'nin uzun demokratik geçmişi, dinamik genç nüfusu, gittikçe artan parasal sermaye birikimi ve çok hızlı gelişen eğitim seviyesi uyum açısından ümit verirken yönetimsel dengesizlik ile oluşan güvensizlik ortamı uyum için olumsuz faktörler oluşturmaktadır.Avrupa Birliği'nin bakış açısından karlı bir Gümrük Birliği ve Akdeniz Ortak Ülkesi olan Türkiye'nin üyeliği daha çok kendi yararınadır. Aynı zamanda muhafazakar Avrupa Birliği Ülkelerinin büyümek için kendine meydan okuması da Türkiye ile son bulmayacaktır.İNGİLİZCE ABSTRAKT (en fazla 250 SÖZCÜK) :The European Union Accession Process Affecting the Agricultural Policy in TurkeyThe truest of the several definitions of the Europe tells about a chemical reaction more than a physical union. These reactions have purposes to form substances that are more useful. Chemical combination, which the compound cannot easily be separated later and more special than each rough element is European Union. Nation States use some of their authority together and there would be real "us" colloquially far from national interests by time. After a long mutual misunderstandings period, Turkey is qualified as a candidate State destined to join the Union based on the same criteria parallel to other candidate states in Helsinki Summit. CEESs and other small applicant States completed the accession negotiations, which would probably begin for Turkey in 2005.One of the hardest sections of EU - Turkey relations would probably be on the convergence of Turkish agricultural policy to Common Agricultural Policy, which involves roughly half of EU legislation during negotiations. This process should study carefully agricultural products including industrially treated parts, Turkey's population structure, production capacity and other specialties. At this point of view, similar conditions applied to some countries whose metamorphosis are successful, with some aid, and this experience would form a good example for Turkey.Turkey's ups are consisted of long secular democratically politic history, young people, rapidly improving education level, accumulating capital, and down is the lack of confidence to overcoming of instability by politics.For EU, Turkey is a profitable Customs Union and Mediterranean partner, and full membership to EU is more to her own good. On the other hand, this enlargement challenge probably would not last with Turkey.

After India's detonation of a nuclear explosive in 1974 publicly demonstrated the proliferation risks from nuclear assistance, the U.S. government increased its efforts to control nuclear exports worldwide. In doing so, U.S. policymakers faced challenges from two major West European allies, France and West Germany, both of which pursued their commercial interests through nuclear exports to countries such as Pakistan, Brazil, Iran, and India, among others. Despite multilateral efforts including the formation of the Nuclear Suppliers Group and bilateral negotiations with the supplier governments, the administrations of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter attained only partial success. The commercial interests of nuclear firms, the influence of pro-export coalitions inside supplier countries, and the emerging importance of the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries as alternative suppliers influenced the outcome. The United States was more successful in restraining the French through a series of quid pro quo arrangements than it ever was with the West Germans. Using recently declassified archival documents, this article sheds new light on U.S. nonproliferation policy in the aftermath of the 1973 oil price shock.

How reliable are the EU's reports when assessing its Eastern neighbouring countries' progress towards democracy? To explore this question, I first developed an original scale that enables to identify the variation in the quality of the EU's assessment reports across the partner countries and over time. Subsequently, by employing both quantitative and qualitative research techniques, I carried out a systematic analysis of the key structural factors that tend to influence and compromise the quality of the EU's assessments. The main results of the study suggest that the more dependent partner countries are on the EU as a source of development aid and export market, the less lenient the EU's institutions appear in their assessment reports. Furthermore, the findings of the study show that somewhat counter-intuitively, the more authoritarian the regime in question is, the less willing the EU appears in criticizing the country's poor democratic performance. However, when a certain level of political liberalization is underway, the EU institutions become rather critical in their assessment reports by explicitly and openly denouncing the country's poor democratic performance.