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The aim of the research is an analysis of the influence of the economic indicators on the socio-economic development of EU countries. The synthetic measure of socio-economic development is calculated by means of the following determinants: 'Economy and Finance', 'Science and Technology', 'Health', 'Education' and 'Living Conditions'. This index of the socio-economic development of residents of the European Union countries has been created as an arithmetic mean of indicators, counted for particular determinants. The index, which has been created, is treated as a modified Human Development Index due to the fact that it is completed with the added information. The data has been collected from the Eurostat for the years 2006–2016. In the second part of the research there have been developed the models for the synthetic measure of socio-economic development in terms of particular economic indicator, used in the analysis, as well as the analysis of the relationship between the synthetic measure of socio-economic development in EU countries, and the selected economic measures: unemployment rate, GDP per capita, indicator of real expenditure per capita, and the percentage of people at risk of poverty. The results are obtained, using the Statistica 12 program.

National audience ; In this paper, our objective is to assess the general French population's acceptability of application of wood ash in forests, a measure currently not allowed but under consideration by the government. The main originality of our approach is that we test how a nudge can be used as an instrument to increase social acceptability, conveying objective information regarding ash recycling. Furthermore, although we do not consider it as a welfare measure, we show how the estimation of the willingness-to-pay can be considered as a complement to the more traditional social acceptability measure. Three nudges were introduced as three treatments in a discrete choice experiment. In the first treatment, the options with wood ash application were highlighted to indicate to the respondents that they corresponded to pro-environmental measures (positive framing). In the second treatment, we changed the wording of the two non-status quo options to highlight the recycling aspect of wood ash application. In the last treatment, we adopted a productive wording to highlight the fact that wood ash application increases wood production. Treatments, in particular positive framing and productive wording, influence the willingness-to-pay but depend on the attitudes of the respondents.

International audience ; Sufficient generational renewal is an important contributor to resilient farming systems but across the EU there is widespread concern over the so-called 'young farmer problem'. This article recommends several policy areas to support generational renewal. The first need is to clearly define the exact generational renewal challenge, since available data provide no clear-cut evidence of an existing young farmer problem that is uniform across the EU. Second, while current policies seem effective in supporting the farm transfer process and providing aid during the early career phase of farmers, they lack targeting of the stage preceding farm take-over, during which possible entrants develop a successor identity. Increasing the attractiveness of farming as both an occupational and a lifestyle choice appears to be important in stimulating entry into farming. Third, policymakers should give high priority to facilitating access to land and labour, and to accommodating the capital-intensive nature of farming. Fourth, a mix of policies at different levels and domains that coherently contribute to the achievement of predefined goals regarding generational renewal is needed. Fifth, support for farm-specific advice and personal coaching holds underexploited potential for addressing the specificity of on-farm challenges regarding generational renewal.

Decades of violent yet competitive party politics in Bangladesh have been usurped by authoritarian consolidation under the ruling Awami League. Both mainstream 'civil society' and political opposition have been largely suppressed, left unable to wage the protests typical of the county's politics. It is then striking that recent years have nonetheless seen significant urban unrest in the form of student led movements, coalescing around issues of injustice. Such social movements are neglected in the study of authoritarian durability, yet appear in practice to pose a serious threat to the ruling party. To understand this threat, this article examines two cases from 2018: the movements for reform to civil service quotas, and improved road safety. It argues such movements must be read in light of Bangladesh's history, where students have played a major role in confronting authoritarian rule. In particular, they pose two threats: first, they have the potential to undermine the ruling party's legitimacy and create a moment of crisis on which the opposition could capitalise; second, they can exacerbate tensions between interest groups on whom the ruling party rely to maintain power. Responding to such threats is thus crucial for the ruling party to maintain their grip on power.

Between 1975 and 1979, the Communist Party of Kampuchea sought to establish a non-monetary and non-market economy. In the process, however, upwards of 1.7 million men, women, and children perished. This paper provides a critical evaluation of the CPK's decision to eliminate money in its attempt to transform Cambodia's pre-revolutionary economy into a communist mode of production. First, I provide some general remarks on Marx, money, and markets; the purpose here is to establish a common foundation for readers, in order to properly assess Khmer Rouge monetary policies with those of orthodox reading of Marxism. Second, I position CPK macro-economic policies within the context of the Non-Aligned Movement and revolutionary socialism, as these movements greatly informed economic policies in Democratic Kampuchea. Third, I comment upon the decision of senior CPK personnel on the elimination of money. Lastly, I evaluate the contradictions of CPK macro-economic policies, specifically, the suspension of money and markets domestically but the need to participate in the global economy in order to accumulate rapidly much needed capital for investment purposes. These contradictions, I conclude, established the structural context of the subsequent Cambodian genocide and the resulting famine that resulted in a massive loss of life.

This paper discusses lessons that other regions could learn from European Union's effort to implement carbon pricing through EU Emission Trading System (EU ETS). Our lessons are, first of all, that a cap-and-trade system like EU ETS is very helpful in guaranteeing a credible and binding reduction of emissions through its cap within the sectors subject to this regulation. Second, providing enough flexibility for trade, in particular intertemporal trade, is essential but should also be guided with care. The current quantity rules for the Market Stability Reserve to steer the abundancy of allowances seems a promising new feature for cap-and-trade policies, although price collars for newly designed systems create more transparency. Third, it is far from obvious why EU ETS should cover the entire carbon emissions base if other instruments, like (implicit) carbon taxes are already available. Finally, EU ETS seems at least partially responsible for the observed steady reduction of carbon emission within the EU ETS sectors. However, the gradual tendency to outsource emissions to other regions justifies carbon border adjustment mechanisms for selected sectors if other regions do not impose carbon pricing rules.

After being dormant for several decades, populism has resurfaced in Europe and North America. Since the beginning of the 21st century Europe's populist parties have tripled their vote and were able to put their leaders into government posts in eleven countries, which has increased thirteen fold the population living under populist regimes. The virus has even contaminated Anglo-Saxon countries, which were considered immune. This new strain of populism seems different from the one that infected Latin America for most of the second half of the 20th century. Instead of fostering class struggle it appeals to racism, xenophobia and anti-globalization. In this regard, it has a closer resemblance to early 20th century European populist strains. Although much has been written about populism, a widely accepted definition remains elusive. Before Hugo Chavez burst into the political scene in Venezuela, Argentina's Juan Perón (1895-1974) was considered the quintessential Latin American populist leader. Perón was undoubtedly one of the most successful politicians of the 20th century. Although he entered politics in 1943 Peronism still dominates Argentine politics. Even though it may seem harder to define than populism, its study offers valuable clues about populism's nature and meaning that are relevant today in modern advanced democracies.

This paper evaluates the short-term labour market impact of the COVID-19 Containment measures in Germany. We take the closure of economic sectors such as restaurants and retail as a treatment, which enables difference-in-difference estimation. Additionally considering input-output linkages between the sectors, we find that 60 percent of the considerably increased inflows from employment into unemployment in April 2020 were due to the containment measures. In a second approach, we make use of the fact that sector closures and curfews were implemented at different times by the German state governments. In a regional regression setup based on treatment intensity, we find that the hiring margin accounted for additional 82 percent of the unemployment effect coming from the separations margin. In sum, the lockdown measures increased unemployment in the short run by 117,000 persons. ; Wir analysieren die kurzfristigen Arbeitsmarkteffekte der COVID-19 Eindämmungsmaßnahmen in Deutschland. Mittels eines Differenzen-von-Differenzen Ansatzes, der auch die Verflechtung der Branchen über eine Input-Output Systematik berücksichtigt, zeigen wir, dass 60 Prozent der zusätzlichen Zugänge in Arbeitslosigkeit aus Beschäftigung zwischen März und April 2020 durch die Eindämmungsmaßnahmen erklärt werden können. In einem weiteren Ansatz nutzen wir die zeitliche Variation in der Einführung von Branchenschließungen und Ausgangsbeschränkungen in den Bundesländern. Eine regionale Regression zeigt, dass unterlassene Einstellungen rund 82 Prozent der Wirkung vermehrter Zugänge in Arbeitslosigkeit ausmachen und dadurch die Arbeitslosigkeit zusätzlich erhöhen. Insgesamt haben die Eindämmungsmaßnahmen kurzfristig zu einer Zunahme der Arbeitslosigkeit um 117.000 Personen geführt.

The Indonesian elections still face money politic practices as one of the electoral issues. This political transactional transforms into a new typical behavior and even becomes a culture for Indonesian citizen in every election. This lousy culture currently became the significant factor in gaining a victory for candidates, such as for 2019 concurrent election. Money politic practices are not only harmful to electoral integrity but also has a long-term impact on a new behavior to produce corruptors. This study seeks to examine the evaluation and impact of Anti-Money Politic Village movement in Murtigading Village, Bantul Regency, Special Region of Yogyakarta for 2019 concurrent election. This study used a quantitative method. The primary source for this study was obtained from survey techniques. This study leads to the three main conclusions such as: first, Murtigading community considers money politics as a form of bribery action and potentially harmful for democracy value. Second, Murtigading community considers that movement can decrease the practice of money politics in Murtigading village. Third, Murtigading community fully supports the existence of that movement and support to establish the legal regulations in local village government to create more political education among the community quickly

The state election in Bremen in 2019 was marked by a head-to-head race between SPD and CDU and ended up with a considerably increased turnout and a historical result . The Christian Democrats managed to beat the Social Democrats for the first time in Bremen's postwar history . The Greens achieved their second-best outcome in a Bremen state election and had the choice between a so-called Jamaica coalition or a left coalition . Whereas the pragmatic oriented Left Party succeeded to accomplish a two-digit result of 11 .3 percent, the Liberals and the Alternative of Germany underperformed with an outcome of about six percent of the votes . After a round of exploratory negotiations between Christian Democrats, Greens, and Liberals on the one hand and between Social Democrats, Greens, and The Left on the other hand, the rank and file of the Green Party decided to hold coalition talks with Social Democrats and the Left Party . Once the red-green-red coalition was built, the Senate's president and SPD front-runner, Carsten Sieling, resigned . Instead, Andreas Bovenschulte became the Senate's new president . Bovenschulte is a former chairman of Bremen's Social Democrats and had already been elected to lead the SPD parliamentary party .

We analyze consumer sentiment with a novel survey of Thai and Vietnamese consumers conducted in May 2020, that is, shortly after the end of the immediate lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic. In a randomized control trial, we expose subgroups of the survey respondents to four different information treatments: (1) how their country ranks in a global survey on agreement or disagreement with the government's response to COVID-19, (2) how the country compares in a global survey on the appropriateness of the general public's reaction to the pandemic, (3) the negative unemployment outlook due to the pandemic, and (4) the positive effects of social distancing for the spread of the virus. First, our results show that consumers are more optimistic if they expect higher GDP growth and trust the government in dealing with the crisis, whereas having stronger concerns about their household's financial situation due to COVID-19 is related to less optimistic sentiment. Second, we find that the information treatments only weakly affect consumer sentiment. However, consumer sentiment is strongly affected by treatment (1) and (2) when they go against respondents' previously held views. Finally, we discover large differences between the two countries.

Italy was a participating country in the People's Health Movement multi-centred action-research project (Civil Society Engagement for Health for All). The Italian team, a collective named Grup-pa, undertook several participatory action-research activities including, in a first phase, a mapping of groups active in fields linked to the social determination of health and health promotion, through individual and collective interviews. In a second phase, three public workshops, structured around the exchange of practices, focused on key themes emerged from phase one. A major construct originated from this work, centred around the co-construction of experiential knowledge on health as a commons, has been named 'health commons practices'. The focus on practices is not merely strategic (producing synergies and alliances), but inherently political (conceiving participation as a value) and connected to health and staying healthy (as individuals; as a community). The construct of 'health commons practices' is meant to make visible an area of ongoing transformations in new spaces created by movements and in more traditional actions in defence of existing public services, addressing health as a socio-political issue. In this essay, we sketch the reflection around six keywords that are central to it: commons, care, technology, efficacy, sustainability, institution.

The Paris Agreement established a new mechanism by which a country can offset some of its emissions reductions in other countries. Its design is still under negotiation. While taking advantage of cheaper abatement opportunities enables efficiency gains, the impact on the price volatility in the emission trading schemes is unclear. We conduct an empirical analysis of the short-term impacts of these credits on the standard carbon markets, using the European Union experience with accepting credits for compliance in the second phase of its scheme. With vector-autoregressive models allowing regime changes at a priori unknown dates, we analyze the structural relationship between the prices of allowances and credits. Although one might expect that the allowance and credit markets influence one another, we find that, before November 2011, knowing the credit price variations helps to better predict the allowance price variations while, after November 2011, it is the opposite. We explain this by expectations and restrictions regarding credits. For the transmission of shocks and the impact on volatility, the influence is mainly from allowances to credits. The allowance price volatility explains between 56% and 72% of the credit volatility whereas the latter explains less than 2% of the former.

Several EU member states are exploring options for setting minimum domestic carbon prices within the EU Emission Trading System (ETS). First, a "TAX" policy would introduce a carbon tax equal to the difference between the prevailing ETS price and the targeted minimum price. Second, a national auction reserve price would "KILL" allowances by invalidating them until the ETS price equalled the national minimum price. Third, a government could require domestic overcompliance and "BILL" covered entities for extra allowances per ton of emissions, thereby increasing demand for allowances and pulling up the ETS price. We explore the implications of these policy options on national and ETS-wide carbon prices, revenues from emissions allowances, emissions, and economic welfare. We find that a national government's preferred unilateral policy will depend on the extent to which it values the fiscal benefits of revenues, which favor TAX or to a lesser degree BILL, versus climate benefits, which favor KILL and also BILL, particularly for jurisdictions with more emissions to leverage for overcompliance. Our analysis can be generalized to other multilateral cap-and-trade systems where participants pursue more stringent internal emission pricing through unilateral policies.

We use a large-scale representative survey of households from October 19-21 that elicits respondents' expectations about the presidential election's outcome as well as their economic expectations to document several new facts. First, people disagree strongly about the likely outcome of the election, despite widespread publicly available polling information. Most Democrats are very confident in a Biden win while most Republicans are very confident in a Trump win. Second, respondents predict a fairly rosy economic scenario if their preferred candidate wins but a dire one if the other candidate wins. Since most respondents are confident in their favored outcome, unconditional forecasts are similar across parties despite the fact that underlying probability distributions and conditional forecasts are very different. Third, when presented with recent polling data, most voters change their views by little unless they are independent and/or have relatively weak priors about the outcome. Information that emphasizes the uncertainty in polling data has larger effects in terms of reducing polarization in expected probabilities over different electoral outcomes. Fourth, exogenous information that changes individuals' probability distribution over electoral outcomes also changes their unconditional forecasts in a corresponding manner. These changes in economic expectations in turn are likely to affect household economic decisions.