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This article aims to put in core of debate about democratic quality, the notion of deliberation and polylogue argumentative in the public sphere, in order to explain the participation multiple agents in the built of policies that look for reducing the social inequalities. Some of these, are judges as active actors in the discussion of collective issues. This implies to think in new institutional designs for redirect the permanent tension between democracy and constitution. ; Este trabajo pretende poner en el centro del debate sobre la calidad democrática, la noción de deliberación y de polílogos argumentativos, para explicar la intervención simultánea de diversos actores en la definición de políticas públicas que buscan reducir las desigualdades sociales, incluidos los jueces como participantes activos en la discusión de problemas colectivos. Ello requiere pensar en nuevos diseños institucionales para manejar la tensión constante entre constitución y democracia.

This essay tries to bring out some of the complexities that are overlooked in the usual treatment of the state in the institutional economics literature and supplement the latter with a discussion of some alternative approaches to looking at the possible developmental role of the state. It refers to a broader range of development goals (including the structural transformation of the economy) and focuses on problems like the resolution of coordination failures and collective-action problems, the conflicting issues of commitment and accountability and the need for balancing the trade-offs they generate, some ingredients of state capacity and political coalition building usually missed in the literature, the possible importance of rent sharing in a political equilibrium, the advantages and problems of political centralization and decentralization, and the multidimensionality of state functions that may not be addressed by markets or private firms.

Después del golpe de estado del 18 de julio de 1936, la propaganda de los sublevados no hizo sino utilizar, en las circunstancias de una guerra que se presumía corta, el lenguaje que había apelado particularmente a las emociones para legitimar y conseguir apoyos políticos en la competencia política y el enfrentamiento durante la II República. Ello se produjo sobre todo en momentos de efervescencia colectiva como fueron las elecciones de febrero de 1936. ; After the coup d'état of July 18, 1936, the propaganda of the revolted ones did not make but use, in the circumstances of a war that was presuming felling, the language that had appealed particularly to the emotions to legitimize and to obtain political supports in the political competition and the clash during the Second Republic. It had happened especially in moments of collective effervescence like they were the elections of February 1936.

International audience ; This paper provides an ethnographical study of the ways in which infrastructure matters in the production of knowledge in the social worlds of rare diseases. We analyse the role played by a relational database in this respect, which exists at the crossroads of a large and complex network of individuals, institutions, and practices. This database forms part of a " boundary infrastructure " , in which knowledge production constitutes one output of infrastructural work, that needs to be articulated with other kinds of activities and matters of concern. We analyse how members of the network negotiate the place and forms of knowledge production in relation to these other purposes, and highlight the political nature of the distinction between knowledge and information, which frames collective action. We also show how infrastructural inversion serves to articulate knowledge production with other forms of mobilisation, thereby shaping and reconfi guring the boundary infrastructure as a whole.

In recent years, there has been an explosion of do it yourself, maker and hacker spaces in Europe. Through makers and do-it-yourself initiatives, 'hacking' is moving into the everyday life of citizens. This article explores the collective and political nature of those hacks by reporting on empirical work on electronic waste and do-it-yourself biology hacking. Using Dewey's experimental approach to politics, we analyse hacks as 'inquiry' to see how they serve to articulate public and political action. We argue that do-it-yourself and makers' hacks are technical and political demonstrations. What do-it-yourself and makers' hacks ultimately demonstrate is that things can be done otherwise and that 'you' can also do it. In this sense, they have a potential viral effect. The final part of the article explores some potential shortcomings of such politics of demonstration. ; publishedVersion

International audience This paper provides an ethnographical study of the ways in which infrastructure matters in the production of knowledge in the social worlds of rare diseases. We analyse the role played by a relational database in this respect, which exists at the crossroads of a large and complex network of individuals, institutions, and practices. This database forms part of a " boundary infrastructure " , in which knowledge production constitutes one output of infrastructural work, that needs to be articulated with other kinds of activities and matters of concern. We analyse how members of the network negotiate the place and forms of knowledge production in relation to these other purposes, and highlight the political nature of the distinction between knowledge and information, which frames collective action. We also show how infrastructural inversion serves to articulate knowledge production with other forms of mobilisation, thereby shaping and reconfi guring the boundary infrastructure as a whole.

Secure property rights result from a combination of public enforcement, private protective measures, and voluntary norm-compliance. We conduct a laboratory experiment to study how culture interacts with institutions in shaping individuals' behaviors and group outcomes in a property rights dilemma. The experiment is conducted in five countries: Austria, Mexico, Mongolia, South Korea and the United States. We find that the security of property varies with the experimentally available institutions and country-level indicators such as trust and quality of government. Subjects from countries with higher levels of trust are more likely to abstain initially from theft, devote more resources to production and support funding public protection of property through taxation. Our findings highlight the relevance of cultural and institutional factors, and their interaction, in addressing the collective action problem of safeguarding property rights. (C) 2016 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

The theory of deliberative democracy places public deliberations at the heart of democracy. In order to participate in democratic deliberations, citizens need certain skills, attitudes, and values. Within the field of education for deliberative democracy, it is assumed that these are learned through participation in democratic deliberation. Thus, one way to educate future citizens for deliberative democracy is by constructing democratic deliberations in the classroom. In this article, four strategically chosen examples of discussions taking place inside classrooms are analyzed, in order to flesh out the abstract criteria of democratic deliberations and to create an empirically based typology of classroom discussions. In this article I also aspire to contribute to classroom practices by pointing out how teachers can steer classroom discussions toward democratic deliberation: They can use questions that open up space for disagreement, while at the same time present opportunities to reach collective conclusions.

Religious conflict reaches almost all human civilizations. There are many factors which cause it. Truth claim is one of the factors that need to be solved. Moreover, religion has become collective identity which differentiate one group from another group. Anthropology approach can assist and drive to conclusion that each religion has general pattern, in Islamic term called Kalimatun Sawa'. Kalimatun Sawa' or a common word theoretically (love of God) or in real context (love of neighbor) could be a way out to resolve the problem of religion conflict. In the context of Indonesia, moving from debate to dialogue is a main concern of scholars. The religious leaders are expected to able to mobilize their members to corporate in many things regarding daily life. The legalized law which assures people live in peace with their neighbors is lied on government full right as the policy holders.

This paper presents the relations among agency (A), structure (S), institutions (I), and discourse (D) and their analytical relevance for socio-economic development. It argues that an adequate account of these relations must recognize their inherent spatio-temporality and, hence, their space–time dynamics. This is not an optional extra but a definite descriptive and explanatory requirement. Moreover, while structure is recognized as a product of path-dependent institutionalization and path-shaping (collective) agency, agency is seen in turn as discursively and materially reproduced and transformed. This approach treats structure in terms of a differential spatio-temporal configuration of constraints and opportunities, reference to which informs the empirical analysis of strategic agency within the overall agency, structure, institutions, discourse (ASID) heuristic. The paper concludes with an eightfold typology of particular combinations of ASID features to guide analyses of socio-economic development in all its (dis-)junctural complexity.

In 2006, security of European gas supply became a very topical subject following the cuts in Russian supplies to Ukraine in the first days of the year which had the consequence of restricting the availability of supplies to some European countries. Much of the subsequent discourse has been concerned with 'the arithmetic of gas security' expressed as current and projected national or collective dependence of European countries on non-OECD suppliers (or groups of suppliers) over the next 15– 25 years. Increasing dependence is directly correlated with growing insecurity, defined as the likelihood that gas exporting countries will cut off, or threaten to cut off, supplies to importing countries in support of their commercial and political (foreign policy) demands. The European Union (EU) has responded to the prospect of growing import dependence with the publication, since 2000, of two Green Papers and a security of supply Directive.

Складна сучасна політична, соціально-економічна, міжнаціональна, релігійна та ін. ситуація в суспільстві вимагає від інтелектуальної еліти і, особливо, від політиків, вчених суспільствознавців, економістів сформувати та запропонувати нову ідею розвитку суспільства. Зроблено висновок, що нова ідея розвитку світу повинна бути створена колектиною творчістю інститутів, вчених, керівників держав, партій з подальшим широким обговоренням з народними масами і, тільки після цього, її можна буде впроваджувати в практику. ; Completed modern political, socio-economic, international, religious and other situations in the world call on all the brainpower and especially policy-makers, scholars, social scientists, economists to elaborate and offer a new concept of the world development. It is concluded that the new idea of the world must be created collective creation of institutions, scientists, heads of states parties with a further broad discussion with the masses, and only after that it can be put into practice.

Складна сучасна політична, соціально-економічна, міжнаціональна, релігійна та ін. ситуація в суспільстві вимагає від інтелектуальної еліти і, особливо, від політиків, вчених суспільствознавців, економістів сформувати та запропонувати нову ідею розвитку суспільства. Зроблено висновок, що нова ідея розвитку світу повинна бути створена колектиною творчістю інститутів, вчених, керівників держав, партій з подальшим широким обговоренням з народними масами і, тільки після цього, її можна буде впроваджувати в практику. ; Completed modern political, socio-economic, international, religious and other situations in the world call on all the brainpower and especially policy-makers, scholars, social scientists, economists to elaborate and offer a new concept of the world development. It is concluded that the new idea of the world must be created collective creation of institutions, scientists, heads of states parties with a further broad discussion with the masses, and only after that it can be put into practice.

This article looks at the inadequacy of space available to women in the two most holy sites for all Muslims: Masjid al‐Haram in Makkah and Masjid an‐Nabawi in Madinah, Saudi Arabia. I argue that religious discourse, shaped by geopolitical factors, has framed piety for women primarily in terms of modesty, such that a woman is often considered a good Muslim if she is visible only within her female community but invisible to the larger society. Furthermore, I argue that the allocation of meager space affects not only the perception of women's religious standing in society, but also women's own perception about their moral selves. The article claims that by being relegated to small sections within religious spaces, women's collective worship is evident neither to the community at large nor can it be fully experienced by individual women, thus placing obstacles in women's path to seek to closeness to God.

This paper is an ethnographic exploration of the various roles of phone communications among Romanian Roma migrants in the outskirts of Paris. Speech practices play a fundamental role in their daily sociability and have been deeply transformed since members of this group are scattered throughout Western Europe. Drawing on material culture and consumption studies, this research shows how the contemporary uses of communication tools generate a virtual co-presence among transnational households, and enable migrants to develop a sense of collective ubiquity. After outlining the methodological frame and context of the research, the author analyzes the uses Roma migrants make of their mobile and landline phones, as international communications became a strategic stake in the field of "ethnic business". Then she goes through the details of phone communications and their different aims, insisting on the role of conflicts for both the families and the community.