Suchergebnisse

Reallocation is about major adjustments of public expenditure away from its current patterns. In recent years, reallocation has become increasingly important as a means to finance new needs in the sphere of internal and external security, integration of immigrants, education, health and pensions, especially in countries where economic growth has been weak

This paper contributes to the literature on tax performance in sub-Saharan African countries. A standard model of the determinants of tax revenue is augmented to include measures of indigenous pre-independence institutional structure constructed from anthropological data on the characteristics of ethnic group organisation. We posit that if the three largest ethnic groups characterised by a clan-based organisational structure are a sufficiently large share of the population they are more likely to be able to reach a political consensus that allows a higher revenue to GDP ratio. We find that indigenous institutions have an effect on tax performance in SSA that diminishes over time (as the economy grows and new institutions emerge).

Cyber security is considered as business issue more than a technical issue. The term widely used in Bangladesh since last decade. Dealing with information made our life resourceful, and risky at the same time. Cyber security and private institutions keep a silent but significant relation around Bangladesh. Corporate offices, public and private organizations have dealing with private cyber institutions to develop, design and monitor the respective websites. This paper has conducted study on those private institutions of Dhanmondi and Banani Thana administrative areas. The study found the diversity of working area of private institutions and limited resources to continue the activity. International collaboration and support from government can increase the strength of private cyber institutions and consider their performance as the potential resource for the cyber world.

What is the role of international migrants and, specifically, migrant networks in shaping political attitudes and behavior in migrant sending countries? Our theoretical framework proposes that migration might change individual social identities and thus stimulate intrinsic motivation for political participation, while it may also improve knowledge about better quality political institutions. Hence, international migration might increase political awareness and participation both by migrants and by other individuals in their networks. To test this hypothesis, we use detailed data on different migrant networks (geographic, kinship, and chatting networks), as well as several different measures of political participation and electoral knowledge (self-reports, behavioral, and actual voting measures). These data were purposely collected around the time of the 2009 elections in Mozambique, a country with substantial emigration to neighboring countries – especially South Africa - and with one of the lowest political participation rates in the region. The empirical results show that the number of migrants an individual is in close contact with via regular chatting significantly increases political participation of residents in that village – more so than family links to migrants. Our findings are consistent with both improved knowledge about political processes and increased intrinsic motivation for political participation being transmitted through migrant networks. These results are robust to controlling for self-selection into migration as well as endogenous network formation. Our work is relevant for the many contexts of South-South migration where both countries of origin and destination are recent democracies. It shows that even in this context there may be domestic gains arising from international emigration.

The attainment of independence in 1960 opened a new vista in the political history of Nigeria as the new nation, was after long years of tortuous journey in the hands of aggressive external control and coupled with series of destructive internal disturbances across villages, towns, cities throughout the polity, had the first opportunity at selfgovernance in the modern sense. Retrospectively, historians and other scholars have explicitly documented and argued the huge impact of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, the legitimate trade, colonial rule and the forced union called amalgamation in 1914 on Nigeria. The attainment of political or flag independence was, however, not an automatic guarantee of solutions to the many damages that were done to our socio-economic and political institutions by the above development in our collective history. The paper, therefore, presents discussions on how the kingship institution in Akokoland in particular and Nigeria in general has fared since independence up to the period of return to civil rule in 1999. Using a gristmill of sources, the descriptive and analytical methods were used to present the ideas of the paper and the findings revealed that the kingship institution beyond Akokoland has continued to show resilience despite the various stages of mutations it has passed through.

"We study a setting with search frictions in the marriage market and with incomplete contracting inside the family. Everyone prefers a partner that has high income and is a perfect emotional match, but compromises must often be struck. A high income earner may abstain from marrying a low-income earner even though they would be a perfect match emotionally, because the highincome earner may dislike the implicit income redistribution implied by the marriage. Redistributive income taxation may ease this problem. Income matching institutions that secure that people largely from the same income groups meet each other can substitute for redistribution, so that optimal redistribution is reduced. We also introduce a divorce option. Redistributive taxation is shown both to further and stabilize marriage." (author's abstract)

Die Autorin prüft eine These der Transformationsforschung, wonach neokorporatistische Strukturen zur Legitimatiom von politischen Institutionen neuer Demokratien beitragen. Als Beispiel dient der ungarische Rat für Interessenausgleich, der die neokorporatistische Funktion der Vermittlung zwischen Regierung und Gewerkschaften sowie Unternehmen gewährleisten soll. Die Ausführungen zeigen insgesamt: Intermediäre Institutionen erbringen tatsächlich nur die erhofften Konsolidierungsleistungen, wenn sie eine Verankerung in der Bevölkerung haben. Drei Fallbeispiele dienen zur Illustration der institutionellen Funktionen des Gremiums: die Taxiblockade vom Oktober 1990, die Verhandlungen über die Lohnentwicklung 1992-94 und das Projekt des sozioökonomischen Paktes von 1994. (pre)

Explores the governing institutions of New England as impediments to enhanced regional integration & economic development. Elements of New England politics & institutions are distinguished by political party competitiveness, historical urbanization & dominance of governing political machines, & dominance of the municipal government. Specific conditions for each state -- Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Maine, Vermont, Connecticut, & Rhode Island -- are highlighted. A history of attempts to form regional organizations across the states is surveyed, & economic & political factors that push toward & against regional integration are analyzed. 6 Tables, 9 References. L. Collins Leigh

Microfinance institutions are one of the efforts of the government to give the right to low-income communities in the fulfillment of the need for housing. The program of special microfinance institutions for housing discussed in this study is microcredit housing. This research is a descriptive-qualitative research that compiles between microfinance institutions in Indonesia and in other developing countries in relation to housing microcredit program. It is found that from some aspects of comparability, other developing countries are better prepared in terms of micro housing microcredit program management than Indonesia.