Suchergebnisse

China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is believed to be a game changer for the whole region. Presently, some extra regional powers are also interested in taking benefits from this El-Dorado. In this scenario the phenomenon of this corridor is believed to have some genuine prospects and challenges. Where there some challenges are directly associated with the security of Pakistan there is also leeway of economic and social challenges. In any case, the first question of security is nevertheless related to Indian factor. Can India help Pakistan in making this project pragmatic for the whole region? Can Indian allies/buddies; in special context of War on Terror (WOT); USA and Afghanistan help Pakistan in making the deal prudent? In this contemporary era, security of any object is directly associated with economic affairs, hence the economic aspect of the same is worth discussing. What are the economic benefits of the huge partnership for Pakistan since the economy of Pakistan is still not developed? These are some of the pertinent enquiries which need to be probe into and this study will be throwing light on all these aspects.

Aid for Trade (AfT): Leveraging Trade as a Booster for Economic Growth and Structural Changes in Developing Countries -- Anthropocene and Migration: Challenges in the 21st Century -- Assessment of the Sustainability Reports: Evidence from Brazilian Listed Companies -- Beyond GDP: Saving the Planet by Measuring the Effectiveness of Policies -- Biobased Economy: Critical Foundation for Achieving Sustainable Development Goals -- Collective Bargaining Agreements: A Global Discourse on Decent Sustainable Living -- Community-Based Socio-Economic Development Programs: A Catalyst for SDGs -- Competencies for Sustainable Entrepreneurship -- Conceptualising Green Economies: Origins, Evolution and Imperatives -- Contribution of Enterprises in Achieving the Sustainable Development Goals -- Corporate Social Responsibility and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) -- Corporate Social Responsibility Manager: Job Roles, Challenges, and Individual Competencies -- Corporate Spatial Responsibility and Sustainable Development Goals -- Creative Strategies for Sustainable Development in Small Cities.

AbstractWe review economic arguments for using public policy to accelerate vaccine supply during a pandemic. Rapidly vaccinating a large share of the global population helps avoid economic, mortality, and social losses, which in the case of Covid-19 mounted into trillions of dollars. However, pharmaceutical firms are unlikely to have private incentives to invest in vaccine capacity at the socially optimal scale and speed. The socially optimal level of public spending may cause some sticker shock but—as epitomized by the tagline 'spending billions to save trillions'—is eclipsed by the benefits and can be restrained with the help of careful policy design and advance preparations. Capacity is so valuable during a pandemic that fractional dosing and other measures to stretch available capacity should be explored.

Examines the interaction of domestic policies and external contraints through a detailed study of the pattern and rate of growth of Nigeria since 1950. Its oil wealth in the 1970s ensured that external factors were uniquely favourable for its growth. Notes the domestic policy that has largely determined the pattern of growth; the rate of growth has depended on the economic rents available from agriculture or oil. (PAS)

In this paper we address a set of interrelated issues. These comprise increasing concerns about reliance on nationally based income poverty measures in the context of EU enlargement, the relative merits of one-dimensional versus multidimensional approaches to poverty and social exclusion and the continuing relevance of class-based explanations of life chances. When identifying economically vulnerable groups we find that, contrary to the situation with national income poverty measures, levels of vulnerability vary systematically across welfare regimes. The multidimensional profile of the economically vulnerable sharply differentiates them from the remainder of the population. While they are also characterised by distinctively higher levels of multiple deprivation, a substantial majority of the economically vulnerable are not exposed to such deprivation. Unlike the national relative income approach, the focus on economic vulnerability reveals a pattern of class differentiation that is not dominated by the contrast between the self-employed and all others. In contrast to a European-wide relative income approach, it also simultaneously captures the fact that absolute levels of vulnerability are distinctively higher among the lower social classes in the less comprehensive and generous welfare regimes while class relativities are significantly sharper at the other end of the spectrum.

It goes without saying that American geopolitics and geostrategy are of a genuinely global nature and affect practically every region and every country. And Central Asia is no exception in this respect. America's influence there is of a multi-factoral and multi-level nature in every aspect-the political, military-strategic, economic, and ideological. From the very first days of independence, the Central Asian countries have been aware of America's influence (and pressure) in essentially every sphere. In Central Asia, America is confronted with other world centers of power (Russia, China, the EU, Iran, and other Islamic states), which explains the fairly frequent contradictions. American policy in Central Asia depends to a certain extent on Washington's relations with these states, but it is not determined by them. On the whole, Central Asia's policy is part of the U.S.'s broader Eurasian strategy, which covers the Caspian, the Caucasus, Russia, Afghanistan, the Middle East, South Asia, and China. It should also be said that America's Eurasian policy is part of Washington's much broader global strategy designed to perpetuate America's domination in the world economic and financial system and its military-strategic superiority. America is seeking greater geopolitical influence (in Eurasia among other places) and containment of potential rivals (China, the EU, and Russia), as well as struggling against so-called international terrorism (for control over the Islamic world). Central Asia is an important, but not the only, element of the U.S.'s global strategy. At the same time, it is critically important for the U.S.'s Eurasian geopolitics to establish control over Eurasia. For this reason, Central Asia's role and importance for Washington will become even greater. America's foreign policy is full of contradictions: its rational and well-balanced elements are combined with ideological approaches; presumptuous and even aggressive actions irritate the allies and provide the enemies with the chance to accuse the United States of Great Power arrogance and a unilateral approach to the world. This stems from the split in the American political establishment, which cannot be described as a group of like-minded people. Ideally, the administration should act as a closely-knit political and ideological team. The split in America's strategic community (and society) over the country's foreign policy affects U.S. conduct on the international arena to a certain extent. This contradiction has an institutional aspect as well: together with the State Department and the National Security Council, the structures directly responsible for America's foreign policy, the Congress, the media, and public opinion (through the lobbying system and NGOs) largely shape U.S. conduct abroad. In addition, from 2001, the Department of Defense acquired much more weight in foreign policy decision-making. This is only natural since the country has been de facto in a state of war since the end of 2001.