As gains in basic health care increase life expectancy, more people live past the age of 65, a time when the risk of dementia and other degenerative diseases is higher and people are more likely to require long-term care (LTC) services. Whether at home or in an institution, such care is an important way to protect the lives and dignity of a country's elderly citizens. Unfortunately, the cost of LTC, especially in institutions, can be catastrophic for families. Without public social protection systems many people cannot afford the care they need or the high cost of care sends them and their families into poverty. Thus, LTC is not only a health issue, but also a fiscal issue and as the European population ages, it is crucial for states to develop comprehensive LTC systems that address this interrelated issue. The next section explores the demographic background of the Bulgarian population, which is one of the fastest aging in Europe. This is followed by s short-description of the macro-economic and fiscal framework in post-crisis Bulgaria. Next, an overview of LTC service provisions is given, followed by a section on financing of LTC services. The last section concludes by introducing some guiding principles for future policy reforms.
Editorial With the outbreak of Coronavirus 2019, governments imposed measures such as closing schools, sports clubs, leisure activities, and severe social isolation, which led to many children and adolescents being locked up in their homes. Peers and teachers should be away and spend most of their time in cyberspace and online games1. Outbreaks of COVID-19 have a far greater impact on the daily lives of children and adolescents around the world than SARS, MERS, or swine flu. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) estimates that school closures have affected 862 million children and adolescents, making up almost half of the world's population. This has led many researchers to express concern about the possible psychological effects on children and adolescents2. Childhood and adolescence are associated with many changes and challenges, including gaining independence from parents, choosing a field of study, discovering different areas of identity, and coping with problems in everyday life. With all these challenges, the outbreak of COVID-19 also caused many problems for children and adolescents. According to studies, children and adolescents reacted differently to the coronavirus 2019 pandemic. To the extent that adolescents reported more anxiety and depression than children. Children were also more concerned about their caregivers and the attention they received3. During the COVID-19 outbreak, many first-time students attended virtual classes and did not experience such an epidemic. This led to significant fear and stress in them. In April 2020, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) surveyed the mental and physical health of approximately 1,700 children and adolescents in 104 countries. The results showed a high prevalence of psychological disorders in children and adolescents, which led to a decrease in their immune system, academic performance, and social interaction. It was also predicted that the psychosocial consequences of COVID-19 on vulnerable children and adolescents would be felt in the long run. In general, children and adolescents' reactions to critical situations depend on their previous exposure to emergencies, physical and mental health issues, socio-economic conditions of the family, and their cultural background4. The process of vaccinating and immunizing the people of the world against diseases is recognized as one of the greatest achievements of public health. Immunization programs have significantly reduced mortality and the incidence of infectious diseases, including the eradication of the Poliovirus worldwide5. During the outbreak of COVID-19, after the clinical trials of some vaccines were confirmed, some people were skeptical about getting vaccinated and participating in the nationwide vaccination process. However, over time and the positive effects of the COVID-19 vaccine on reducing the number of hospitalizations and deaths due to COVID-19 infection, many people became more positive and accepting of the WHO-approved vaccines6. All of this research has been done over the past year to encourage people around the world to participate in the vaccination process to show the many benefits that vaccination can bring. The success of the global vaccination process depends in part on people's perceptions of the benefits and risks of the vaccine, as well as how much trust they have in their government and country. Researchers believe that the refusal or delay of vaccination is due to the lack of knowledge and awareness of people about the safety of the vaccination process7. Due to the appropriate efficacy of the COVID-19 vaccine in the elderly and adults, on May 10, 2020, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued an emergency permit for the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine to adolescents aged 16 to 17 years. On May 11, 2021, it extended the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine emergency license to 12- to 15-year-olds. Also on August 23, 2020, the US Food and Drug Administration approved a vaccine for people under the age of 16 8. In this regard, Scherer et al.9 in a study examined the acceptance of the COVID-19 vaccine among adolescents. Studies show that 13.2% of adolescents had to be vaccinated due to returning to school. Also, 17.1% were due to fear of COVID-19, 15.5% due to participation in social activities and 14.5% of people wanted to get vaccinated to increase travel. On the other hand, obtaining more information about vaccine safety (21.7%) and effectiveness (17.6%) were among the factors that led to the rejection of the vaccine among adolescents. In another study, Frenck et al.10 in a study examined the efficacy and safety of the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine in adolescents. In this study, 2260 adolescents aged 12 to 15 participated, of which 1131 received the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine and 1129 received a placebo. Studies showed that 86% had injection site pain, 66% fatigue, and 65% headache. Among the participants who received the second dose of the vaccine, there were no cases of COVID-19, which indicated that the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine was 100% effective in adolescents. Ali et al.7 in a study examined the effectiveness of the Moderna vaccine on adolescents. 3732 people participated in this study, of which 2489 people received the Moderna vaccine and 1243 people received a placebo. Of those vaccinated, 93% had pain at the injection site, 70% had a headache and 67.8% had fatigue. Also, two weeks after receiving the second dose of the Moderna vaccine, no cases of COVID-19 were observed in individuals. After several months of the vaccination process in many countries around the world, we are witnessing the reopening of stadiums, schools, universities, businesses, and amusement parks, which can lead to the improvement of the mental and physical health of individuals. People have a high degree of confidence when they receive the first and second doses of the COVID-19 vaccine, which in turn reduces their risk of hospitalization and death from the coronavirus 2019 6. In this regard, Perez-Arce et al.11 in a study investigated the association of the COVID-19 vaccine with psychological distress. 8003 American adults participated in this study. Studies have shown that depression is significantly reduced in people who have received at least one dose of the COVID-19 vaccine. It was also found that the risk of mild and severe depression was reduced by 4% and 15%, respectively. Overall, since childhood and adolescence are known to be among the fast and sensitive developmental stages, a lot of vulnerabilities await the development of children's mental health during the outbreak of COVID-19. The most important reasons for this are the experience of stress and anxiety due to home quarantine, distance from peers, strict rules, and concerns about the health and financial status of the family. In addition, given that most mental health impairments occur during adolescence, people of this age range are due to COVID-19-induced stress factors such as school, university closures, decreased social interaction, and fear. They are more vulnerable to mental health than coronary heart disease. To this end, it is necessary to start the process of vaccination of children and adolescents as soon as possible, so that we can witness the reopening of schools, ,clubs and leisure centers by creating an appropriate level of safety in the world.
The year 2014 was considered as the twentieth anniversary year of the family and in a sense acknowledges the important role of the family in society. Families are central to communities and one could almost consider the family-community connection to be a loop. In other words, when families are functioning well communities fare very well, which then relates back to families. But how are we to understand this important role of the family? Families are defined in different ways. According to Braithwaite and Baxter [1] "a family is a social group of two or more persons characterized by ongoing interdependence, with long term commitments that stem from blood, law and affection". Chambers [2] believes that families are not a fixed concept but can rather be described beyond blood lines into a socially constructed concept. In South Africa, in terms of family policy, the family is defined "as a public group of people that is directly related (by blood), related by adoption or fostering or through marriage" [3]. In describing a family, there are often two very broad terms used which are functional and dysfunctional families. These descriptions are often determined by the processes or functions/practices between and amongst family members. Family functioning includes the manner in which family members relate to and with one another including how they search for goals, activities the family engages in together and separately, and acceptance of family practices. Furthermore, when a family is functioning well, family members hardly develop psychological problems, they perform tasks together, are able to deal with problems, and have understandable restrictions [4]. These are well functioning families, but families also do not function very well and these families could be considered as unhealthy and dysfunctional, often described as at-risk [5]. Both terms have consequences especially for future adults. In describing a family, there are often two very broad terms used which are functional and dysfunctional families. These descriptions are often determined by the processes or functions/practices between and amongst family members. Family functioning includes the manner in which family members relate to and with one another including how they search for goals, activities the family engages in together and separately, and acceptance of family practices. Furthermore, when a family is functioning well, family members hardly develop psychological problems, they perform tasks together, are able to deal with problems, and have understandable restrictions [4]. These are well functioning families, but families also do not function very well and these families could be considered as unhealthy and dysfunctional, often described as at-risk [5]. Both terms have consequences especially for future adults.the control and responsibility rests with the family. In this special issue, six articles highlight issues in the family which have consequences for family members and the community, either overtly or covertly. The article of Frantz, Sixaba & Smith focuses on family structure and the effects on health risk behavior of young people in Africa. This article highlights the plight of orphans living with caregivers, the definitive relationship between sexual risk behavior and family structure and provides the evidence that sexual risk behaviors loops back to HIV/AIDS in African countries. In this article gender, race and culture play a role in the relationship. In the article by Ryan, Roman & Okwany parental monitoring and communication are explored as important in the prevention, delay and reduction of substance abuse and risky sexual activity. These studies suggest that culture acts as a buffer against adolescent risk behaviors and that the mental health of parents is also important in the monitoring and communication with their adolescents. The Jacobs & Jacobs study focuses on mothers who are alcoholics and provides family narrations of secrecy, shame and silence but also highlights coping and recovery for alcoholics. Londt, Davids & Wilson used Social Learning Theory as a lens to understand the role of the family in the chronic denial of imprisoned sex offenders. These imprisoned sex offenders were raised in single-parent households with absent fathers, domestic violence substance abuse, unsatisfactory support and compromised parenting styles were prevalent. In the Mukasano, Schenck & van der Merwe article, a qualitative study explores parents' experiences of their adolescents engaging in mobile texting. Parents find themselves having to monitor and negotiate rules and expectations with their adolescents. The study emphasizes the importance of communication and trust, respect and preparing for the disengagement process between members. Furthermore, substances are abused, physical, sexual and emotional abuse are present and children lack support and care. Within these families, there is the daily challenge of meeting the needs of family members. This could be due to the socio-economic circumstances of the family which in turn deprives family members of necessary resources and other social support. As a result, this undermines the ability of family members to perform expected functions and consequently results in the exposure to risk. Subsequently, at-risk families need additional support in order to cope with the myriad of challenges they face. This support may be in the form of other family members, community members or from government. Additionally, this support could also strengthen the family. Families should be seen as the entry point for service delivery and the subsequent building and development of communities [3]. Therefore, family relations, which are good and strong are important for the wellbeing of the individual, family and community [7]. In other words, family wellbeing is a concept that goes beyond economic wealth and includes physical and emotional health as well as safety and good quality relationships [7]. Similarly, family well-being and family functioning assume that families work best and contribute to society when there is a balance between the economic and non-economic factors [8] but it is very complex because family wellbeing is a multi-dimensional concept with different dimensions. These include providing financial support, good housing or access to services [9]. How does family well-being then relate to community development? The creation, development and growth of communities is dependent on families. For example, when families are not doing well, the family members will act out that is outside of the family. This acting out often occurs within the community and could be the engaging in antisocial behavior, substance abuse, violence, etc. These behaviours subsequently break down communities instead of building them up. The same could be said for the effects of family wellbeing. Tsey et al. [10] found that family wellbeing is an enabler for people to take control and responsibility of their own situations but more importantly, once they are able to do this, there is a ripple effect on increasing harmony and capacity to address issues within the wider community. Clearly, there is a relationship between family wellbeing and the overt and covert development of communities but parent and child. The final article of Jooste & Maritz is an exploration of the perceptions of healthcare professionals and family members regarding youth's experiences of trauma. This article found that when youth experience trauma, there is a ripple effect onto other family members and the larger community which resulted in the entire system feeling helpless and depleted of resources to cope.
Education is often seen as a fundamental means to improve economic prospects for individuals from low income settings. However, even with increased emphasis on basic education for all, many individuals fail to achieve basic skills to succeed in life. The book presents evidence that one core reason is that by the time a child is old enough to attend school, there is already a wide disparity in cognitive skills and in emotional and behavioral development among children from households of different socioeconomic backgrounds. Low levels of cognitive development in early childhood strongly correlat
Small Changes, a community organization in Malaysia (www.smallchangesmy.org), was founded in 2011 to raise funds and provide support for underprivileged individuals in the community. With an interesting tagline of Cultivating Volunteerism, Empowering Generations this community organizations has raised hundreds of thousands and has attracted tens of Malaysian students from local and overseas universities. The team consists of an enthusiastic group of young Malaysians who believe that it is possible to create big differences in the community with small changes. I had the pleasure of meeting the team in one of their social event in Kuala Lumpur. What you are going to read is the responses provided by the Vice President of Strategic Planning Unit, Mr. Muhammad Affan Othman, who kindly consented to an E-mail interview.The interviewVN[1]: Perhaps we could start with a short introduction of Small Changes. Could you please tell our readers about your organization and its objective?MAO[2]: Small Changes started from an idea coined by our founders in which they aspire to create social awareness by making one small change at a time. For example, they started helping flood victims in flood prone locations in Malaysia such as in Kelantan and reaching out orphanage by offering them some help in terms of financial aid. As the organization grows, they started diving into more projects that have diverse aims such as tackling education inequality, which is translated into our Seeds of Deeds initiative, which has been done annually since 2014. However, since 2016, Small Changes has decided to shift gears and start to focus on becoming an organization that offers a platform for volunteering for youths and at the same time empowering both its volunteers and its beneficiaries. These will be made possible through our projects that allow Malaysian youths to participate and become empowered as they are actively participating in a nation building effort. Through these projects, volunteers could experience a change of perspective in their worldview since most of them tend to come from a pool of people that do have a well-off background. They can see the disparities that do exist within Malaysia's realities when they actively participate in our projects.VN: What made you think of establishing Small Changes? What makes it special?MAO: Small Changes is an organization that was established with the aim of spreading consciousness among youths and empowering them in Malaysia. We often hear complaints about structural problems that exist in our society. Problems such as why we fail to speak English properly, low self-esteem among teenagers, and how we are always backwards as compared to other individuals in the first world countries. Small Changes capitalizes in its pool of volunteers where we try to incorporate volunteers from different backgrounds such as some who are studying abroad and some who are studying in local institutions. The ones who obtain their education abroad help share their exposure; for example, utilizing strategic tools that they are exposed to abroad which could help solve certain social problems that exist in Malaysia. Our volunteers who are studying locally could share the current issues that are deeply rooted in Malaysia and they, too, help to engage in discussions with officers from governmental institutions as a way to have constructive dialogues.VN: Do you have any interesting stories from your experiences with training underprivileged (if we should call them so) children?MAO: The underprivileged students from schools that Small Changes have reached out to so far have a problem of low self-esteem and they have a tendency to internalize their problems on their own. Conflicts and dilemmas are natural aspects of living except for we deal with them with various methods. To some, they are easy to handle, but more often than not, people do not know how to deal with their conflicts. The students that we have met, I would argue, do not have the proper skill in handling their dilemma. They have to meet the expectations set by their caregivers but at the same time they do not have the resources to meet these expectations. Sometimes, just engaging a normal conversation with them is enough to know that they are struggling. What Small Changes is doing is to make our volunteers aware that everyone needs help and a person of privilege should always be mindful that the privilege that one has should be shared. On the other end of this spectrum, we are also helping the students see that they do have an important role in the society.VN: These days most academicians and researchers in the area of education are obsessed with gaps in research. Has your experience revealed any interesting areas for impactful research?MAO: I would suggest that researchers should study the effectiveness of non-governmental organization initiatives in aiding areas such as education, students' performance after joining such initiatives, and myth about the Y generation (since most of them are doing more good than bad i.e. becoming volunteers, etc.).VN: Apart from gaps in research, do you see any gaps in educational practice that call for action?MAO: We do feel that teachers in general should be more open to the help that Malaysian students may have to offer. We do understand that there will be skepticism, but as an organization that takes pride in creating social awareness, we aspire to be held accountable in the initiatives that we implement. For example, the seeds of deeds camps are led by facilitators who have prior experience in working with youngsters and have had extensive volunteering experience. From the pool of experienced facilitators that we have, we make sure that our volunteers are trained by them with useful tips especially when dealing with high school students.VN: How can our readers (mostly academicians) join Small Changes in case they have ideas or would like to volunteer to help?MAO: As a non-governmental organization, we welcome everyone, especially university students as we want them to be exposed to certain realities that are not obvious to them. Not only that, our organization encourages people to volunteer, which means that people are forgoing their own self-interest putting others first. This is an effective mechanism in creating better human capital, as they are equipped with positive values that could help make a greater change in Malaysia.As for academicians, we welcome any form of collaborations, particularly in the area of programme content development and impact measurements. We believe research-based inputs will further refine the impact desired to our beneficiaries, solidify the aims and purposes of foundation of the organization.VN: What are some of the future directions of Small Changes?MAO: Small Changes plans to diversify in its efforts of creating more volunteering opportunities so that more people can do good and create change for the better. There is also the opportunity for the volunteers to be part of Small Changes' committee. That is definitely what we hope to see where our volunteers would be interested in holding leadership roles within the organization and continue to spread our values.We also aim at planning more critical projects. Small Changes aspire to invest long term planning to advance community that acts as the beneficiaries. We aim to generate a sustainable model to empower community as a whole rather than children-focused motivational camp. Following long term planning of project, we do include impact measurement mechanism to obtain real quantifiable measures on the impact of our project, to refine the lacking and reiterate on the best steps to take.VN: Do you have any final words for IJELS readers?MAO: To make huge changes in a short time span may be exasperating. The reason may be we humans are inherently good and just; however, we are not taught the proper way to make effective changes. Since we uphold to the notion of "Small Changes, Big Differences", we understand that indeed making change bit by bit can really create an instantaneous effect. Teaching a 17-year-old to speak up in a three-day-camp is challenging but to see the results, only if we were to be patient enough, is indeed a fulfilling feeling that no one ever told us about.[1] Vahid Nimehchisalem[2] Muhammad Affan Othman
La presente tesis doctoral persigue dos objetivos fundamentales. El primero se dirige a analizar la protección por maternidad y paternidad en nuestro Ordenamiento Jurídico desde sus inicios y hasta la actualidad, desde una perspectiva de género, para comprobar si dicha protección es dispensada por igual a hombres y mujeres, así como verificar en qué medida fomenta la corresponsabilidad entre unos y otras en los cuidados de los hijos e hijas y otros familiares. Asimismo, se analizan las medidas de conciliación para comprobar si estas perpetúan los roles de género en la crianza. Por su parte, el segundo objetivo persigue aportar soluciones a la problemática que plantea una legislación que no propicia la corresponsabilidad. Para el desarrollo de la investigación se utilizan diferentes metodologías, fundamentalmente la metodología jurídica, al constituir objeto prioritario de estudio la normativa estatal en materia laboral y de seguridad social, jurisprudencia y doctrina judicial, convenios colectivos, planes de igualdad, y estudios de la doctrina científica –fundamentalmente del ámbito jurídico-laboral-, recogidos en obras monográficas, libros colectivos y revistas científicas. También se analizan estadísticas, informes, y estudios elaborados por organismos oficiales. En el permiso por maternidad biológica, la titularidad del derecho es femenina, teniendo la finalidad de facilitar la recuperación física de la mujer trabajadora tras el embarazo, el parto y el puerperio, así como hacer posible la atención a la criatura recién nacida; por ello, atribuir la titularidad del permiso a la madre, más allá de las seis semanas de descanso obligatorias tras el parto, fomenta el rol de la mujer como cuidadora. Se comprueba que, aunque el padre puede acceder al disfrute del permiso en algunos supuestos, esta opción como medida de conciliación paterna tiene un uso escaso en la práctica, ni siquiera en el supuesto de adopción o acogimiento donde la titularidad del permiso es de ambos progenitores; concretamente, la participación masculina en la prestación por maternidad en el año 2015 fue de un 1,87%. Para la implicación del padre en la crianza, se ha establecido el permiso por paternidad. Su titularidad difiere según se trate de paternidad biológica o por adopción. En el primer supuesto dicha titularidad queda atribuida al padre, o al otro progenitor en uniones formadas por dos mujeres (en este caso el acceso materno al permiso es inexistente); por su parte, en caso de paternidad por adopción o acogimiento, la titularidad es de ambos progenitores. Su tasa de disfrute es superior al 80%, lo que evidencia que los hombres españoles responden mejor a los permisos de los que son titulares. Tras analizar los permisos por maternidad y paternidad, las medidas de conciliación, y la situación de la que partimos –el concepto de maternidad y paternidad para la ciudadanía, la baja tasa de natalidad, la discriminación laboral de las mujeres a consecuencia de la maternidad y la incidencia de esta en sus pensiones-, se evidencia la necesidad de mejorar las actuales políticas de conciliación. A tal efecto, se proponen en este trabajo unas soluciones con perspectiva de género, entre ellas, una propuesta de permisos por maternidad y paternidad iguales e intransferibles para ambos progenitores y la creación de un permiso parental. Finalmente, se concluye que tras las diferencias legales detectadas entre el permiso por maternidad y paternidad, y la falta de voluntad política para implantar en España un sistema de permisos parentales iguales e intransferibles para ambos progenitores, se oculta la división sexual de los cuidados y la persistencia de los roles de género. No cabe duda de que todo ello perpetúa la desigualdad por razón de sexo, a pesar de ser España un Estado de derecho pionero en legislación igualitaria, como la Ley de Igualdad y la Ley que autorizó el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo y que también permitió la adopción por parejas homosexuales. This thesis has two main objectives. The first is aimed at analyzing the protection maternity and paternity in our legal system since its inception and until today, from a gender perspective, to check if such protection is dispensed equally to men and women, as well as verify to what extent it promotes shared responsibility between each other in the care of children and other relatives. In addition, reconciliation measures are analyzed to see if these perpetuate gender roles in the rising children. Meanwhile, the second objective pursues to provide solutions to the problems posed by legislation that does not encourage responsibility. For the development of this research, different methodologies have been used, mainly legal methodology, to be a priority object of study the State regulations in labor and social security matters, jurisprudence and judicial doctrine, collective agreements, equality plans, and studies of scientific doctrine -mainly in the legal and labor areas, which they have been collected in monographic works, collective works and scientific journals. Statistics, reports, and studies produced by official agencies are also analyzed. In the license for biological maternity, the ownership of the license is feminine, in order to facilitate physical recuperation of women workers after pregnancy, childbirth and the postpartum period as well as make possible the attention to the newborn child; for that reason, allow the ownership of the license to the mother, beyond the six weeks of obligatory rest after childbirth, promotes the role of women as caregivers. It is checked that, although the father could access the enjoyment of the license in some cases, this option, as a measure of parental conciliation, has little use in the practice, not even in the case of adoption or foster care where the ownership of the license is of both parents; Specifically, male participation in maternity benefits in 2015 was 1.87%. For parent involvement in raising it has been established paternity leave. The ownership is different according to whether the paternity is biological or it is an adoption. In the first case such ownership is attributed to the father or the other progenitor in unions formed by two women (in this case the mother's access permission is nonexistent); for its part, in case of paternity by adoption or foster care, ownership is from both progenitors. Its rate of enjoyment is over 80%, evidencing that Spanish men respond better to the permissions that they are holders. After analyzing the maternity and paternity leave, the conciliation measures and the situation that we depart-the concept of motherhood and fatherhood for citizenship, the low birth rate, the employment discrimination against women as a result of motherhood and the impact of this in their pensions-, we evidence the necessity to improve the current policies of conciliation. For this purpose, some solutions with a gender perspective are proposed in this work, between them a proposal for maternity and paternity leaves equal and non-transferable for both parents and the creation of paternity leave. Finally, it is concluded that after legal differences detected between maternity leave and paternity leave, and the absence of political will for implementing in Spain a system of equal and non-transferable parental leave for both parents, it hides the sexual division of cares and the persistence of the gender roles. There is no doubt that all of this perpetuates inequality based on sex, although Spain is a pioneer state of law in equality legislation, as the Equality Law and the law which authorized same-sex marriage and also allowed the adoption by homosexual couples.
The Russian Federation's population has been declining since 1992, but recently the decline appears to be over. Although fertility has risen since the 2007 introduction of the family policy package, which focused on stimulating second and higher-order births, total fertility rates still remain significantly below replacement rate. Unlike some Western European countries, low overall fertility in Russia can be explained predominantly by a high prevalence of one-child families, despite the two-child ideal family size reported by the majority of Russians. This paper examines the correlates of Russian first-time mothers' desire and decision to have a second child. Using the 2004–12 waves of the Russia Longitudinal Monitoring Survey, the study focuses on the motherhood-career trade-off as a potential obstacle to higher fertility in Russia. The preliminary results indicate that among Russian first-time mothers, being in stable employment is positively associated with the likelihood of having a second child. Moreover, the desire to have a second child is positively associated with the first child attending formal childcare, which suggests that the availability, affordability, and quality of such childcare can be important for promoting fertility. These results are broadly consistent with previous studies in other European countries that indicate that the ability of mothers to combine work and family has important implications for fertility, and that pro-natalist policies focusing on childcare accessibility can offer the greatest payoffs. In addition to these factors, better housing conditions, being married, having an older child, and having a first-born boy are also positively associated with having a second child.
This report presents an analysis of the early childhood development (ECD) programs and policies that affect young children in the Democratic Republic of Congo and recommendations to move forward. This report is part of a series of reports prepared by the World Bank using the systems approach for better education results (SABER) - ECD framework and includes analysis of early learning, health, nutrition, and social and child protection policies, and interventions in Democratic Republic of Congo, along with regional and international comparisons.
The FOAM (Focus on Opportunity, Ability, and Motivation) is a framework designed to help in the development, monitoring, and evaluation of handwashing behavior change programs. FOAM was developed for use in resource-poor settings, but it can also be adapted for other socioeconomic environments. This working paper is intended for use by program managers implementing handwashing behavior change initiatives, as well as multilateral and bilateral agencies, academic institutions, and government and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) working in water and sanitation.
A large body of solid evidence demonstrates the significant effects of early childhood education and development (ECED) interventions on children's success in school, long-term social integration, and improved life chances. Interactive audio instruction (IAI) provides one solution to the challenge of providing high quality ECE at scale and at reasonable costs. The IAI medium allows for the development and delivery of both teacher and caregiver training and direct instruction, using best practices in ECE, and has demonstrated powerful results in contexts as diverse as Honduras, Nepal, El Salvador, Indonesia, Zanzibar, Malawi, and Paraguay. The document outlines a general approach to high-quality IAI production for ECD, and uses the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) case study to detail the development process. It also provides technical recommendations for how to scale-up production and delivery in the DRC and considerations for program adaptation in other similar contexts, including an outline of necessary steps and components, estimated costs of a program with broad reach and content depth (including a financial model for production and program implementation), and a results monitoring and evaluation framework. The attached report is divided into two parts. Part one outlines the process for scaling up an IAI program - from initial start-up in a given community, to large scale expansion in a country. It highlights the main steps in the production cycle, the roles and responsibilities of government and communities, and provides useful tips for practitioners at each stage of the process. Part two provides a summary of how this process was followed in DRC and lessons learned.
This report presents an analysis of the Early Childhood Development (ECD) subsector, including programs and policies that affect young children in the Solomon Islands. This was a collaborative effort between UNICEF and World Bank Group, as it combines World Bank Group's SABER-ECD framework, which includes analysis of early learning, health, nutrition, and social and child protection policies and interventions in the Solomon Islands, along with regional and international comparisons, as well as the regionally developed UNICEF National Situational Analysis-ECD, which takes a greater in-depth look at the following system components, which have been highlighted by the Pacific Region as priority components for quality Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) implementation: policy/legislation and governance; human resources; curriculum, child assessment, and environment; performance monitoring and assessment; and community partnerships. The government of the Solomon Islands (SIG) recognizes the importance of providing early learning opportunities for young children. In 2008 the Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development (MEHRD) endorsed a National Early Childhood Education Policy Statement, targeting age's three to five, which states its commitment to develop a quality Early Childhood Education (ECE) sector. This commitment has been reflected in both the National Education Action Plan, 2013–2015, and the Education Strategic Framework, 2007–2015. However, the statement clearly identified 'in relation to quality practice, the payment and training of teachers, relevant curriculum, effective management, community awareness about the value of ECCE and children's access and participation in ECCE' as challenges to the implementation of ECCE services.
This report presents an analysis of the Early Childhood Development (ECD) subsector, including programs and policies that affect young children in the Republic of Kiribati. This was a collaborative effort between UNICEF and the World Bank Group; it combines the World Bank Group's Systems Approach for Better Education Results SABER-ECD framework, which includes analysis of early learningand child p, health, nutrition, and social rotection policies and interventions in Kiribati, along with regional and international comparisons, as well as the regionally developed UNICEF National Situational Analysis ECD, which takes a greater in-depth look at the following system components, which have been highlighted by the Pacific Region as priority components for quality Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) implementation: policy, legislation, and governance; human resources; curriculum, child assessment, and environment; performance monitoring and assessment; and community partnerships. In 2008, the Ministry of Education (MOE) drafted the Kiribati Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) Policy, which was formally endorsed by Cabinet in 2010. The ECCE policy, targeting ages three to five, calls ECCE a "national responsibility" with a mission "to culturally nurture young children in a loving and caring environment to enhance through interactive play the fullest potential of their physical, intellectual, social, emotional and spiritual growth in line with trends and development". This country report presents a framework to benchmark Kiribati's ECD system; each of the nine policy levers and five system components are examined in detail, and policy options to strengthen ECD are offered. This report is intended to serve as a first step for decision making within the government of Kiribati to improve the ECD system. Now that some areas in need of policy attention have been identified, the country can move forward in prioritizing policy options to promote healthy and robust development for all children during their early years.
It is increasingly recognized that young people are central to issues of crime and violence in South Africa. While research, policy and programming have historically focused on children and adults, there is a growing emphasis on youth as both victims and perpetrators of violence. This report presents the findings of a country assessment commissioned by the World Bank to support its incorporating human rights into youth violence programming and policy dialogues in Mexico and South Africa project. This aims to encourage policy dialogue on youth and violence with the South African government and other stakeholders. The report: (i) examines the current situation of youth violence in South Africa; (ii) summarizes the policy response by the government and the prevailing legal and institutional framework; (iii) identifies innovative programming by civil society organisations; and (iv) identifies entry points for deeper policy dialogue and improved interventions to address youth violence.
The report begins with a summary of programs reviewed, a description of the PMT targeting system, and the profile of individuals in the database. It then presents key findings from the review of budgets and the analysis of SW Admin/PMT data on program coverage and distributional equity of program benefits. The report concludes with a discussion of policy implications and recommendations that emerged from the key findings and the process of data gathering and analysis. The Annexes include program descriptions based on the corresponding laws; the estimated benefit levels per individual; government expenditure and budget trends for each program since 2010; and information on social welfare program beneficiaries, by program grouping.
The aim of the project The project, entitled "Multicultural elderly care", which was initiated by KS (the Norwegian Association of Local and Regional Authorities), examines three immigrant groups' expectations towards old age. The project has two main targets: To investigate the knowledge the groups have of the local authorities' care services and their attitudes towards using these services; To obtain insight into the young generations' attitudes towards providing care and assistance to their parents in their old age. "Immigrant" refers in this context to a person who has moved to Norway (or was born in Norway of two parents) from a country outside the Nordic region, Western-Europe, North America or Oceania; in other words, what we often call non-Western countries. More specifically here, it refers to informants from Vietnam, Sri Lanka or Pakistan. How many and who was interviewed? The data collection consists of qualitative interviews with 70 informants (33 men and 37 women). In the project, informants over 50 years of age are defined as "elderly", while people under 50 years of age are considered "young". The interviews consist of group conversations and individual conversations (40 in all). The three immigrant groups are represented by respectively 20 (Vietnam), 27 (Sri Lanka) and 23 (Pakistan) informants. The difference in number is due to different access to interviewees. Most of the interviewees are married; only three persons over 30 years of age are single. Nearly half of the elderly interviewees live in co-residence with their adult, married children. The structure in these families varies. The distinction is between interviewees from Vietnam and Sri Lanka on the one hand, where the common household consists of a surviving father or mother living together with one of his or her children, and the interviewees from Pakistan on the other hand, where the common household consists of a married couple living together with one of their children (normally their youngest son) in a house that the parties own together. Health and work All the interviewees over 50 years of age were asked about the state of their health. Their responses indicate that many of them are struggling with health problems. Many suffer from serious disorders such as strokes and heart disease. The interviewees' descriptions indicate that the women have more problems with their health than the male interviewees, including mental health issues. Only a small minority reports good health, most of them men in their fifties. Ten of the interviewees are pensioners. Of the remaining informants, one third is employed, while the others are either on a disability pension or an early retirement pension, or have never had an occupation. The latter is only the case for women. None of the interviewees over 60 years of age is employed. Plans and expectations for the future Moving back to their homeland?Hardly any of the interviewees think they are going to move back to their homeland when they get older, though many of them have dreamed about this for years. Among those who fled their country as refugees, some still hope to be able to move back one day. Their reconsidering of their return plans is in part due to conditions in their homeland, and in part to the ties they have established to Norway. For some, the political situation in their homeland represents an obstacle to moving back. For others, problems connected to infrastructure, institutional rights and general safety make it less attractive to move back. The most important aspect of the ties to Norway is the fact that their children and grandchildren live here. Another important reason for staying is that the interviewees are used to and appreciate the Norwegian societal system,including the health and welfare services. Living on their own or together with their children? According to Sundström (1994), there is a reduction in co-residence between generations in all the OECD countries and in many other countries. Immigrants from countries with traditions for co-residency tend to quickly adapt to the family norms of their new countries, with the nuclear family as the dominant model. The findings from this project indicate that the same trend prevails in this sample. Some of the interviewees explicitly state that they prefer to live on their own in their old age, rather than "bothering" their children. This opinion is represented in all three groups, but appears to be most widespread among the interviewees from Sri Lanka. However, many see the situation differently if one of the spouses passes away. Then, sharing the household with the children may be seen as a possible alternative. Others express that they primarily want to live together with their children in their old age. This preference is also represented in all three groups but seems to be most widespread among the interviewees with a Pakistani background. At any rate, most of the interviewees are careful in balancing their own demands with their children's needs, underlining that the final decision about co-residence lies with the children. Information about care services and attitude towards using them Knowing about the care services offered by the local authority is important both for reducing anxieties and worries for the future and for ensuring that each person receives the care services he or she is entitled to. Many of the interviewees see themselves as being well informed and feel they will be able to obtain more information if necessary. First of all, they are confident that their children will help them to do this. Many of the interviewees have children who work in the care services, particularly those from Vietnam and Sri Lanka. Others, however, do not feel they are well enough informed of the care services supplied by the local authority, and this especially applies to men from Pakistan. Some of them are engaged in voluntary work with countrymen their one age and they claim they are speaking on their behalf as well. Lack of information creates anxiety about the future and concern about not being taken seriously, and may also nourish myths, prejudices and unrealistic expectations about how the services function and are allocated. Almost all the interviewees have heard about the home services and few express a negative attitude towards using them. Nonetheless, many of the interviewees state a preference for help from their children rather than from the public services, at least as long as their need for assistance is not too extensive. Some of them are of the opinion that relatives who provide such care should be paid for their work by the local authority. The men from Pakistan are especially of this opinion. An elderly person who needs help with personal hygiene, care and continuous supervision will normally (under certain specified conditions) qualify for a place in a nursing home. Some of the interviewees say that if their health situation becomes so bad, they would appreciate and accept an offer of a place in such a home. They do not want to be a burden for their children. This opinion is represented in all three groups, but appears to be most widespread among the interviewees from Sri Lanka. Others, however, express very clearly that they want their children to help, also in situations where they might need extensive help and care. They consider the nursing home as an option for people without families. Again, men from Pakistan are the most eager supporters of this idea, but this opinion is also represented in the other two groups. The young generation'sattitude towards helping their parents The main topic of the interview with the young informants was how far they were willing to go to assist and care for their elderly parents (on the condition that their parents live in Norway). The results indicate that the young interviewees are willing to go to the greatest possible lengths to help their mother and father, regardless of the interviewees' country of origin, age or gender. The interviewees find the motivation for doing this in the norm of reciprocity and religious duty. In many cases, another reason for providing assistance is of a more practical nature as few of the parents speak Norwegian. Geographical distance is often essential for the young generation's possibility to provide practical help and care to their parents. Most of the interviewees live in the same city as their parents, often within walking distance. Several of the young interviewees are already helping their parents, and deviate in this respect from their peer group in the rest of the population (Veenstra m. fl.2009). Even though the dominant picture is that the young interviewees have a strong motivation to help their parents, there are some variations in the answers. Most clearly this is demonstrated when the question is about care situations that will require extensive help. First, there are variations between interviewees according to their country background. The ones to hold on to the family care model the most are the interviewees with a Pakistani background. Second, there are differences between men and women. Apparently, the young women have a more rational attitude towards the question about a nursing home for their parents who, due to health problems, cannot manage on their own. One possible reason for this difference may be that several of the women have working experiences from the public care services for the elderly, especially those from Vietnam and Sri Lanka. Similarities and differences between the three groups There are many similarities between the groups. Among these similarities we find health situation and employment, family network and contact between the elderly and the young generation, as well as the young generation's motivation and willingness to take care of their aging parents. At the same time, the results indicate that there are certain differences in the groups' attitudes towards using public care as opposed to family care, although these differences are not very distinct but more like inclinations. The line of demarcation is between those who prefer public care services and those who think care from relatives (in practice, the children) is best, also in situations that require extensive care and continuous supervision. Interviewees from Sri Lanka dominate the first category, whereas interviewees from Pakistan dominate the second. Nevertheless, what the interviewees have in common is that they are all situated in a context with well developed public care services and where the majority of the population prefers public care services to family care (Daatland and Herlofson, 2004:82). Most likely this will influence the groups that are represented in this study in the same direction. Also, the development of the services themselves may make them more attractive to groups that until now have shied away from them. More emphasis on the freedom to choose and the right of codetermination, in addition to better standards (for instance single rooms at nursing homes) make it easier and more attractive to combine public and family care. All in all, there is little doubt that the development is moving in a direction where families with a minority background will increase their use of the public care services. At the same time, many elderly immigrants still prefer help from their families to public assistance, and many of the young generationalso wanttocontributeto the care of their parents. The challenge for the local authorities is to find programmes that support the families' motivation and capacity to contribute. The local authorities must, however, not take it for granted that all families have the same motivation and resources to participate. Neither should such programmes be at the expense of the caregivers or of the quality of the care. Given these conditions, such a combination of public and family care might turn out to be good elderly (parental) care. ; Rapporten handler om tre innvandrergruppers forventninger til alderdommen. Informantene har opprinnelse i Vietnam, Sri Lanka eller Pakistan. Prosjektet har to hovedmål: 1) Å undersøke informantenes kjennskap til kommunenes pleie- og omsorgstjenester og holdningen de har til å bruke tjenestene. 2) Å få innsikt i de unges innstilling til å yte omsorg og hjelpe sine foreldre når de blir gamle. Datainnsamlingen består av kvalitative intervju (gruppevise eller individuelle) med 70 personer. De som er over 50 år, blir i rapporten definert som «eldre», mens de under 50 år blir regnet som «unge». Flertallet av informantene over 50 år sliter med helsa. Så godt som alle regner med å tilbringe alderdommen i Norge. De unge gir uttrykk for en sterk motivasjon og vilje til å hjelpe og yte omsorg til sine aldrende foreldre.
