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The Eastern Mediterranean region is said to host five percent of the world's known natural gas reserves. That stimulates tension when coupled with the aspirations of some states to claim these resources and control their transport to the markets. The claims of Greece and the Greek Administration of Southern Cyprus (GASC), which has always acted as if it were the sole representative of the island, seem to be extreme, given the relevant the rules of international law. In order to achieve its aspirations over Libya, France has recently intervened in regional developments on the side of Greece. Turkey has declared that its continental shelf in the Eastern Mediterranean extends up to 28° E longitude and that the western boundary of the Turkish continental shelf to the west of this longitude shall be drawn through equitable agreements with all concerned states. Turkey has also taken certain preventive measures to protect its rights and interests by making particular references to the relevant rules of international law. The present commentary examines the real motivations behind the acts of all sides and reviews their justifications with reference to international law, with particular reference to Turkey's actions

Cet article vise à comprendre certains aspects du comportement des pays baltes sur la scène internationale en étudiant les particularités des pratiques des diplomates estoniens, lettons et lituaniens. Nous mobilisons le concept de « culture diplomatique » pour expliquer comment les diplomates baltes se situent dans l'environnement international. La culture suppose un certain cadre structurant et contextualisé du comportement social : les idées et valeurs communes, les façons de percevoir le monde, qui habilitent et contraignent les actions. Le concept de culture nous permet de discerner les spécificités des pratiques diplomatiques baltes.
L'article s'appuie sur une étude ethnographique des diplomaties baltes : une centaine d'entretiens qualitatifs conduits entre 2013 et 2019 ainsi qu'une année d'observation participante au sein du ministère des Affaires étrangères lituanienne entre 2015 et 2016. L'étude constate que les pratiques diplomatiques baltes sont marquées par une logique sécuritaire. Cette logique provient du contexte géopolitique et historique mais aussi de l'expérience vécue avec la Russie voisine depuis 1990, ainsi que le sens donné par les diplomates baltes aux relations avec la Russie. Les pratiques diplomatiques baltes sont aussi marquées par un idéalisme : une croyance aux valeurs libérales et démocratiques et un sens de la justice internationale, surtout dans la défense du droit des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes.

The presentation of 'human security' notion in 1990s signified transformation of international relations from nation-centred international system to people-centred international system. This concept not only redefined the term security, but altered the perceptions of both objects and subjects of threat as well. This development in the discourse of 'security' and the logic of linkage between national-interests and human-interests convinced states to reconsider and reframe their security policy. This article describes the notion of human security as a crux to chain the people across the world owing to the recognition of identical security challenges and responses. The concept of human security brought states closer and infused the sense of collaboration and cooperation to mitigate the threats to the security of human being. Methodologically, this paper presents qualitative and analytical study applying secondary data. This study presents the period 1995-2003 as a historical tenure regarding development of human security approach in the foreign policy of Japan. This research analyses how the Japanese governments under the leadership of some people-friendly Prime Ministers advocated the concept of human security and promoted it as a vital determinant of the foreign policy of Japan.

AbstractClimate engineering (geoengineering) is rising up the global policy agenda, partly because international divisions pose deep challenges to collective climate mitigation. However, geoengineering is similarly subject to clashing interests, knowledge‐traditions and geopolitics. Modelling and technical assessments of geoengineering are facilitated by assumptions of a single global planner (or some as yet unspecified rational governance), but the practicality of international governance remains mostly speculative. Using evidence gathered from state delegates, climate activists and modellers, we reveal three underlying and clashing 'geofutures': an idealised understanding of governable geoengineering that abstracts from technical and political realities; a situated understanding of geoengineering emphasising power hierarchies in world order; and a pragmatist precautionary understanding emerging in spaces of negotiation such as UN Environment Assembly (UNEA). Set in the wider historical context of climate politics, the failure to agree even to a study of geoengineering at UNEA indicates underlying obstacles to global rules and institutions for geoengineering posed by divergent interests and underlying epistemic and political differences. Technology assessments should recognise that geoengineering will not be exempt from international fractures; that deployment of geoengineering through imposition is a serious risk; and that contestations over geofutures pertain, not only to climate policy, but also the future of planetary order.

This research investigates the portrayal of women issues by Daily The News International and Daily Times of India during January 2019 to December 2020. It is basically a comparative study of portrayal of women by Pakistani and Indian English elite newspapers. It is a census study conducted by caring out content analysis of 17 editorials of Daily The News International and 25 editorials of Daily Times of India. All editorial sentences are divided into 19 categories according to the nature of data. The researcher used two communication theories (framing and feminism) and concluded that media frame women issues factual based in news and negative in editorials. The study finds out that both newspapers given 21.05% positive, 56.62% negative & 22.32% neutral editorial coverage, so overall coverage remained positive. The researcher finds out that both newspapers (Daily The News International & Daily Times of India) highlight variety of women issues like; murder, honor killing, suicide, kidnapping, torture, sexual harassment, rape, molestation, domestic violence, battering, marriage issues, acid attack, misbehave, fire burning, hurts, lack of political participation, domestic abuse and eloping. The researcher also has given some suggestions for the solution of these kinds of issue. Key Words: Women portrayal, elite press, Indian press, women issue

Introduction: ASEAN in general is one of the international organizations in the Southeast Asian region whose initial goal was to form a peace zone in the Southeast Asian region.Purposes of the Research: Analyze and discuss arrangements regarding the resignation of member countries from ASEAN membership.Methods of the Research: The research method used in this research is normative law which is sourced from primary, secondary, tertiary legal materials, which data collection is carried out through literature studies.Results of the Research: Based on the results of this study, it is revealed that the resignation of ASEAN member countries cannot be carried out. It is clear that the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 1969 stipulates that if there is no regulation regarding withdrawal from an international treaty, then the resignation cannot be carried out. However, if a country is difficult to withdraw from ASEAN or other international organizations, it can be said that the member country concerned continues to violate its obligations as a member. Therefore, it would be better to put forward the principles of the ASEAN Way as a norm for peaceful dispute resolution and emphasize deliberation and consensus

International cooperation in science and technology is an important part of addressing major global issues like climate change, infectious disease, food security, and natural disasters. Research infrastructures (RIs) are organizations that enable scientists to use specific facilities, resources, and expertise to enable and accelerate scientific achievements, overcome boundaries, train highly skilled specialists, and promote sustainable research. Fostering RI partnerships across borders has the potential to improve the efficiency and quality of research to tackle the many challenges faced by society today. RI-VIS organises the symposia in three different world regions (Africa, Latin America, Australia) to bring together delegates from Research Infrastructures (RIs), science policy organisations and research institutions to discuss opportunities and challenges for RI cooperation between Europe and the respective target region. The aim of these symposia is to raise awareness of individual RIs, to identify measures to mitigate current challenges of international cooperation between RIs, to initiate new and strengthening existing collaborations, and to initiate networks in a sustainable way so that all stakeholders benefit. The first of these three international symposia was the 'Africa-Europe Symposium on Research Infrastructures – Exploring collaborations between Africa and Europe', which was held as a digital meeting on February 1-2, 2021.

International audience ; While national and international public authorities establish rules that private actors are obliged to respect, the large firms of production and finance exert considerable upstream influence on the decisions of intergovernmental multilateralism. They spread faith in the effectiveness of liberalism, they propose technological or legal standards that are favourable to them, they take advantage of opposition between national and international public actors and they apply an all-out lobbying policy under the guise of scientific analyses. In fact, intergovernmental multilateralism is dependent on states, which are strongly influenced by the private sector of oligopolistic production. ; Si les pouvoirs publics nationaux et internationaux établissent des règles que les acteurs privés sont tenus de respecter, les grandes firmes de la production et de la finance exercent, en amont, une influence considérable sur les décisions du multilatéralisme intergouvernemental. Elles répandent la foi dans l'efficacité du libéralisme, elles proposent les normes technologiques ou juridiques qui leurs sont favorables, elles profitent des oppositions entre les acteurs publics nationaux et internationaux et elles appliquent une politique de lobbying tout terrain, sous couvert d'analyses scientifiques. De fait, le multilatéralisme intergouvernemental est dépendant des Etats, lesquels sont fortement influencés par le secteur privé de la production oligopolistique.

The split in the Second International in 1914 dramatically expressed the insurmountable limits of its proclaimed internationalism. Surprising though they were to many contemporary observers, the events of the summer of that year were the result of pre-existing tensions that were long hidden behind radically worded compromise resolutions in the congresses of the International. In general, these pre-existing tensions had been assessed with a focus on the question of militarism, the colonial question and even the problems of patriotism and nationalism. Less attention, in relative terms, has been paid to the question of migrations, even though it was an important debate of the first decade of the 20th century. Drawing upon a wide range of secondary literature, socialist newspapers from different countries and archive materials of the Second International, this paper will explore the debates of the Amsterdam (1904) and especially the Stuttgart (1907) congresses, against the background of the ideas and development of the different socialist parties, particularly those of countries and regions of immigration such as Argentina, the United States, Australia and South Africa. More generally, it seeks to draw some conclusions about the tensions that have crossed the global history of the working class in terms of nationalism and racism.

In the ten years since the UN General Assembly recognized an international human right to water, that right has remained largely unenforceable in both international and domestic law and efforts to implement it have proven mostly ineffective or even counterproductive. The UN General Assembly's Declaration in 2010 could have catalyzed progress in achieving the UN's Sustainable Development Goals aimed at improving access to water and sanitation. Nevertheless, scholars, activists, and practitioners can reimagine the international human right to water as a civil and political right, rather than as a substantive guarantee of water, in ways that would make the implementation of the human right to water more sustainable, equitable, and enforceable. ; En los diez años transcurridos desde que la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas reconoció como derecho humano al agua, el mismo ha permanecido en gran parte inaplicable y los esfuerzos para implementarlo han resultado en su mayoría ineficaces o incluso contraproducentes. No obstante, académicos, activistas y profesionales pueden volver a imaginar el derecho humano internacional al agua como un derecho civil y político, en lugar de una garantía sustantiva al agua, de manera que la implementación del derecho humano al agua sea más sostenible, equitativo y ejecutable.

The regulation of foreign navigation in the Northern Sea Route (NSR) has been dominated by the rules of international law applicable to merchant ships only. Neither the domestic set of rules of navigation on the NSR, based on Article 234 of UNCLOS nor the Polar Code applies to State-owned vessels. While the application of Article 234 has so far let Russia evade discussion on the navigational rights, one can expect an increasing spotlight on this issue. In response to the recent crossing of the NSR by a French warship, as well as the voices from the United States indicating similar plans, Russia has signalled the intention to adopt more stringent rules for passage of warships, potentially including the requirement of prior notification and pilotage. The aim of the paper is twofold. First, examine the navigational rights as applicable in the NSR. As such, the paper will discuss historical State practice and relevant international law to demonstrate, among other things, that the enclosure with straight baselines preserved innocent passage in all Russian Arctic straits. Second, examine the international legality of prior notification and pilotage in the context of the applicable navigational rights on the NSR.

International audience ; The unanticipated international food price spike of 2008 has raised concerns about global food security. Might food systems lastingly fail to supply, trade, and distribute food? Might widespread unsustainable agricultural practices irreversibly alter ecosystems? Or might large scale food shortages trigger political unrest? To answer these questions, we reflect upon the concept of systemic risk and conduct a review of the literature on systemic risks and food security. First, we present the concept of systemic risk and current trends in systemic risk research. We then analyze contributions on systemic risk and food security. We first show that the literature has so far focused on a) agricultural production and correlated yield-losses, and on ways of pooling risk at regional or global-level, and b) the role of international trade in increasing or decreasing systemic risk. We then identify avenues for further research, highlighting the impact of intensive farming on ecosystems. Finally, we discuss the concept of systemic risk: we show that scholars need to be careful when assuming that there exists just one global food system; we show that systemic risk can be understood in various ways, beyond the domino effect paradigm.

"This book compares how governments in 192 countries perceive climate change related health risks and which measures they undertake to protect their populations. Building on case studies from the United Kingdom, Ireland, South Korea, Japan and Sri Lanka, The Politics of the Climate Change-Health Nexus demonstrates the strong influence of epistemic communities and international organisations on decision making in the field of climate change and health. Jungmann shows that due to the complexity and uncertainty of climate change related health risks, governments depend on the expertise of universities, think tanks, international organisations and researchers within the public sector to understand, strategize and implement effective health adaptation measures. Due to their general openness towards new ideas and academic freedom, the book shows that more democratic states tend to demonstrate a higher recognition of the need to protect their populations. However, the level of success largely depends on the strength of their epistemic communities and the involvement of international organisations. This volume will be of great interest to students and scholars of climate change and public health. It will also be a valuable resource for policymakers from around the world to learn from best practices and thus improve the health adaptation work in their own countries"--

International audience ; While national and international public authorities establish rules that private actors are obliged to respect, the large firms of production and finance exert considerable upstream influence on the decisions of intergovernmental multilateralism. They spread faith in the effectiveness of liberalism, they propose technological or legal standards that are favourable to them, they take advantage of opposition between national and international public actors and they apply an all-out lobbying policy under the guise of scientific analyses. In fact, intergovernmental multilateralism is dependent on states, which are strongly influenced by the private sector of oligopolistic production. ; Si les pouvoirs publics nationaux et internationaux établissent des règles que les acteurs privés sont tenus de respecter, les grandes firmes de la production et de la finance exercent, en amont, une influence considérable sur les décisions du multilatéralisme intergouvernemental. Elles répandent la foi dans l'efficacité du libéralisme, elles proposent les normes technologiques ou juridiques qui leurs sont favorables, elles profitent des oppositions entre les acteurs publics nationaux et internationaux et elles appliquent une politique de lobbying tout terrain, sous couvert d'analyses scientifiques. De fait, le multilatéralisme intergouvernemental est dépendant des Etats, lesquels sont fortement influencés par le secteur privé de la production oligopolistique.

This text is an edited version of the opening remarks that Thibaud Boncourt, Past President of the Research Committee 33 (The Study of Political Science as a Discipline) of the International Political Science Association (IPSA) and associate professor at University Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne / Centre Européen de Sociologie et de Science Politique (CESSP), gave at the special panel "The Future of the Studies of Political Science as a Discipline" sponsored by IPSA-RC33 at the 7th international interdisciplinary conference of political research SCOPE: Science of Politics (University of Bucharest, 20-24 September 2021, www.scienceofpolitics.eu). The event was organized and hosted by the Centre for the International Cooperation and Development Studies (IDC) of the Department of Comparative Governance and European Studies, Faculty of Political Science, University of Bucharest, and gathered participants from several countries on all continents, via a virtual meeting. The aim of the panel was to contribute to the global conversation on the current state of political science as a discipline, as well as to discuss the practical means through which IPSA-RC33 can contribute to it and to support the work of political scientists worldwide. Keywords: political science as a discipline, IPSA RC33, institutionalization, de-institutionalization, autonomization, gendering, postcolonizing