Suchergebnisse

This research analyzes the affectation of the constitutional powers of Canada in the signing of a free trade agreement such as CETA. The agreement between the European Union and Canada has meant the elimination of obstacles and the implementation of complementary internal policies between countries. CETA is an agreement that has features that make it a benchmark in the policy of agreements with other countries, which is why it is so relevant in the scientific study of this research. The work begins with a historical retrospect to Canadian constitutionalism, to later operate on the behavior of the executive and legislative powers in the signing of this type of negotiations. Canada is characterized by having established a determination of power sharing between territorial structures. The research reflects on the articulation of powers and jurisdictional controls in international treaties, studying whether free trade agreements have the effect of limiting the legislative or regulatory capacity that, in economic matters, the different States of the European Union may have. in negotiations with Canada. ; Esta investigación analiza la afectación de los poderes constitucionales de Canadá en la firma de un acuerdo de libre comercio como el CETA. El acuerdo entre la Unión Europea y Canadá ha supuesto la eliminación de obstáculos y la realización de unas políticas complementarias internas entre países. El CETA es un acuerdo que tiene rasgos que lo dotan para ser un referente en la política de acuerdos con otros países, de ahí que sea tan relevante en el estudio científico de esta investigación. El trabajo se inicia con una retrospección histórica al constitucionalismo canadiense, para posteriormente centrarse en el comportamiento de los poderes ejecutivos y legislativos en la firma de este tipo de negociaciones. Canadá se caracteriza por haber establecido una determinación de reparto de poder entre las estructuras territoriales. La investigación reflexiona sobre la articulación de poderes y los controles jurisdiccionales ...

With a sample of farms in the European Union (EU) and Farm Accountancy Data Network (FADN) data completed by additional data, we illustrate how the effect of farm subsidies on technical efficiency changes when environmental (good or bad) outputs are incorporated in the calculation of technical efficiency. Results indicate that the effect of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) operational subsidies on farm technical efficiency changes when environmental outputs (in this study: greenhouse gas emissions, nitrogen balance and ecological focus areas) are taken into account in the efficiency calculation: some effects change significance, and more importantly, some effects change sign. ; Sur la base de données comptables issues d'un échantillon d'exploitations agricoles du FADN ("Farm Accountancy Data Network") européen, et de données complémentaires, nous illustrons la manière dont varient les effets des subventions reçues par les exploitations agricoles sur leur efficacité technique, selon que l'on prenne en compte, ou pas, dans le calcul de l'efficacité technique les biens environnementaux (positifs ou négatifs) fournis par les exploitations. Les résultats montrent que les effets des subventions d'exploitation de la Politique Agricole Commune (PAC) sur l'efficacité technique d'une exploitation sont différents lorsque des biens environnementaux produits par l'exploitation (ici, les émissions de gaz à effet de serre, la balance azotée, et les surfaces d'intérêt écologique) sont pris en compte dans le calcul de l'efficacité : la significativité de certains effets se trouve modifiée, mais plus important encore, certains effets affichent des signes opposés.

With a sample of farms in the European Union (EU) and Farm Accountancy Data Network (FADN) data completed by additional data, we illustrate how the effect of farm subsidies on technical efficiency changes when environmental (good or bad) outputs are incorporated in the calculation of technical efficiency. Results indicate that the effect of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) operational subsidies on farm technical efficiency changes when environmental outputs (in this study: greenhouse gas emissions, nitrogen balance and ecological focus areas) are taken into account in the efficiency calculation: some effects change significance, and more importantly, some effects change sign. ; Sur la base de données comptables issues d'un échantillon d'exploitations agricoles du FADN ("Farm Accountancy Data Network") européen, et de données complémentaires, nous illustrons la manière dont varient les effets des subventions reçues par les exploitations agricoles sur leur efficacité technique, selon que l'on prenne en compte, ou pas, dans le calcul de l'efficacité technique les biens environnementaux (positifs ou négatifs) fournis par les exploitations. Les résultats montrent que les effets des subventions d'exploitation de la Politique Agricole Commune (PAC) sur l'efficacité technique d'une exploitation sont différents lorsque des biens environnementaux produits par l'exploitation (ici, les émissions de gaz à effet de serre, la balance azotée, et les surfaces d'intérêt écologique) sont pris en compte dans le calcul de l'efficacité : la significativité de certains effets se trouve modifiée, mais plus important encore, certains effets affichent des signes opposés.

With a sample of farms in the European Union (EU) and Farm Accountancy Data Network (FADN) data completed by additional data, we illustrate how the effect of farm subsidies on technical efficiency changes when environmental (good or bad) outputs are incorporated in the calculation of technical efficiency. Results indicate that the effect of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) operational subsidies on farm technical efficiency changes when environmental outputs (in this study: greenhouse gas emissions, nitrogen balance and ecological focus areas) are taken into account in the efficiency calculation: some effects change significance, and more importantly, some effects change sign. ; Sur la base de données comptables issues d'un échantillon d'exploitations agricoles du FADN ("Farm Accountancy Data Network") européen, et de données complémentaires, nous illustrons la manière dont varient les effets des subventions reçues par les exploitations agricoles sur leur efficacité technique, selon que l'on prenne en compte, ou pas, dans le calcul de l'efficacité technique les biens environnementaux (positifs ou négatifs) fournis par les exploitations. Les résultats montrent que les effets des subventions d'exploitation de la Politique Agricole Commune (PAC) sur l'efficacité technique d'une exploitation sont différents lorsque des biens environnementaux produits par l'exploitation (ici, les émissions de gaz à effet de serre, la balance azotée, et les surfaces d'intérêt écologique) sont pris en compte dans le calcul de l'efficacité : la significativité de certains effets se trouve modifiée, mais plus important encore, certains effets affichent des signes opposés.

The basic problem that the process of Euro integrations faces today is the absence of the European identity. There are ideas how it could be built, on what it should be based, but the basic problem is the EU has give up in a great extent from the real European values - the ideals like freedom, equality, solidarity, social justice, etc. Human rights are the European achievement, but a distinctive, therefore identity difference between the European and the Anglo-American interpretation is that the European variant guaranteed social-economic rights, which was actually a concretization of the great ideal of solidarity. Today, with prevailing ideology of globalism, just this element of human rights has been brutally waded, a part of the European identity with it. A similar situation is with what the Europeans consider the greatest achievement of the EU - free movement of people, goods and capital. Free movement of people is questioned by building barbed wires and creation of a new ante murale christianitatis, even in Islamic states, far away from the Schengen Area that is proclaimed untouchable. Moreover, all those people swarming to the Europe actually have close connections with it - they originate from former European colonies, brutally exploited by their metropolises for decades and centuries. Not only that, but recently their new 'Europeanization' has been attempted through the initialization of the 'Arab Spring' , which resulted with increase of the Islamic fundamentalism, disintegration of certain Arab states and tribal war in them, increase of terrorism and, of course, migrants from those areas. Although it would be justified to try to return the evil gotten to them at least partly, by refusing to accept the miserable the Europe gives the mortal strike to some of the main values that are considered its identity characteristics - free movement of people and solidarity. All this, actually, indicates on the absence of the European identity consciousness. There is no clearly defined content of the idea of the Euroidentity, nor there is consciousness of it with the citizens of the EU. The citizens of the EU are still more French, Englishmen, Germans, Italians, Spaniards, Poles, Czechs rather than the Europeans. Their Europeanism exists only on the level of usefulness and efficacy, therefore, the prediction is that the model of the EU as an international organizations generis will be kept for a long time, while identities in future will be tied for (European) nations.

The degree of integration of an individual EU country in the European Union can be measured comprehensively and in a given time period with the EU index proposed by König and Ohr. A modified EU index of 21 instead of originally 25 indicators allows examining the economic integration of non-EU member countries within the EU. For the first time, this is applied here to Norway, Turkey and the US and compared with the integration degree of the EU-25 countries and Switzerland. Except for Switzerland – showing a higher degree of integration than the EU average – the index values of the non-EU members are markedly below the EU average. In 2012 they can be often found at the last ranks of all 28 considered countries. Whilst the integration degree of Norway slightly fell from 2004 to 2012, the degree rose for the three other non-EU countries during this time period, least in Switzerland and most in Turkey. The cluster analysis confirms that the four non-EU countries are much more heterogeneous than the EU-25 members. Since 2004 this divergence increased for all non-EU member countries except for Turkey.

This fourth paper in the German European Policy Series studies the typical interests which shape Germany's environmental foreign policy in Europe: victim, polluter and third-party interests as well as the state's interest in a stronger role in international politics and its interest in shaping policy within the European Union. It demonstrates that Germany's interests are diverse and characterised by interactions between the national and European policy levels , and how the country plays a particularly active role in European and international environmental policy when different types of foreign policy interests are combined. The paper concludes that Germany will likely extend its international activities in this area, both within the European Union and beyond in global negotiations, in the medium to long term.

This paper examines how international remittances are affected by structural characteristics, macroeconomic conditions, and adverse shocks in both source and recipient economies. We exploit a novel, rich panel data set, covering bilateral remittances from 103 Italian provinces to 107 developing countries over the period 2005-2011. We find that remittances are negatively correlated with the business cycle in recipient countries, and increase in response to adverse exogenous shocks, such as natural disasters or large declines in the terms of trade. Remittances are positively correlated with econ

This article investigates the impact of pan-European candidates in European Parliament election campaigns. It focusses on the two 2019 nominees for the European Greens, who were Dutch and German, respectively. We conducted a pre-registered experiment in the Netherlands and Germany in early April 2019 to test the effects of (non-)personalized campaign posters on (a) turnout intention and (b) vote intention for the Greens alongside possible mediating effects of campaign and candidate evaluations. Our results suggest that while personalized campaigns as opposed to non-personalized campaigns may not matter per se for turnout and vote intention, individual candidates can make a difference in European elections, particularly with respect to vote intention. As such, the results have important implications for our understanding of European Parliament election campaigns.

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