Suchergebnisse

The politics of European collaborative Big Science are inherently uncertain. The European Spallation Source (ESS) for materials science, planned to be built in Sweden with a collaborative European funding solution that was recently finalized is the most recent example. Sweden has so far invested around one billion SEK (&E110 million), taking a significant risk given these uncertainties and given Sweden's complete lack of experience in hosting such big labs. Tracing the Swedish government's investments in the ESS project, this article shows that so far, the Swedish ESS bid seems to be generally well funded, but that a long-term plan for the funding and a contingency plan for increased costs seem to be absent. This adds to the seeming unprepared- ness of Sweden and elevates the already quite high level of risk for Swedish science and science policy of investing in the ESS.

Data obtained from ISSR amplification may readily be extracted but only allows us to know, for each gene, if a specific allele is present or not. From this partial information we provide a probabilistic method to reconstruct the pedigree corresponding to some families of diploid cultivars. This method consists in determining for each individual what is the most likely couple of parent pair amongst all older individuals, according to some probability measure. The construction of this measure bears on the fact that the probability to observe the specific alleles in the child, given the status of the parents does not depend on the generation and is the same for each gene. This assumption is then justified from a convergence result of gene frequencies which is proved here. Our reconstruction method is applied to a family of 85 living accessions representing the common broom Cytisus scoparius.

International audience ; While the term 'multistakeholderism' has become one of the most commonly used words in Internet governance (IG) studies, only three main categories of stakeholders are almost always highlighted in IG arenas: Governments, Businesses, and Civil Society. However, initial findings from our two-year transatlantic research project show that the technical community and Intergovernmental Organizations (IOs) also are crafting roles for themselves as IG actors. This paper focuses on the Technical communities - composed of organizations such as ICANN, ISOC, and other bodies primarily dedicated to the technical management of the Internet - as another IG actor, and its interaction with IOs. Using a framework from political science, communication theory, and organizational sociology, it analyzes (with interview, observational, and archival data) the emergence of this stakeholder, its strategic interactions with IOs, and highlights new trends of the Global Internet Governance institutionalization.

Morna Macleod 's book on political and cultural struggles of Mayan women is one of the most extraordinary I've read about gender and ethnicity in Latin America. It is not a book solely on gender, because his great virtue is its interdisciplinary approach , linking gender theory, critical discourse analysis , philosophy , social movements , where a deep questioning of the linear analysis of feminism, ethnicity and class is elaborated . ; El libro de Morna Macleod sobre las luchas político-culturales de las mujeres mayas es uno de los más extraordinarios que he leído sobre género y etnia en América Latina. No es un libro exclusivamente de género, porque su gran virtud es su enfoque interdisciplinar, que vincula teoría de género, análisis crítico del discurso, filosofía, movimientos sociales, en donde se elabora un cuestionamiento profundo de los análisis lineales sobre feminismo, etnicidad y clase.

Policy innovation is a significant challenge for the public sector. This article illustrates its magnitude through a case study of the National Innovation Summit. The article concludes that the Summit represented an elaborate process of search and engagement that sanctioned an outcome that was, in most respects, largely pre-determined. Its outreach and deliberations served the political purpose of mobilising industry and media attention and communicating the government's commitment. But there is no evidence that it exercised any substantive influence on policy development. The obstacles confounding any other outcome are considerable. Strategic thinking is inhibited by various organisational factors including lock-in to a present successful strategy, the constraints on policy choices associated with multiple veto points and the need to maintain medium term fiscal and policy discipline across a wide range of agencies and claimants. The article explores ways these inhibitions might be overcome.

We propose to pool alternative systemic risk rankings for financial institutions using the method of principal components. The resulting overall ranking is less affected by estimation uncertainty and model risk. We apply our methodology to disentangle the common signal and the idiosyncratic components from a selection of key systemic risk rankings that are recently proposed. We use a sample of 113 listed financial sector firms in the European Union over the period 2002-2013. The implied ranking from the principal components is less volatile than most individual risk rankings and leads to less turnover among the top ranked institutions. We also find that price-based rankings and fundamentals based rankings deviated substantially and for a prolonged time in the period leading up to the financial crisis. We test the adequacy of our newly pooled systemic risk ranking by relating it to credit default swap premia.

This paper revisits Fanon's relationship with psychoanalysis, specifically Lacanian psy- choanalysis, via a close reading of his rhetorics of childhood – primarily as mobilized by the 'Look, a Negro!' scenario fromBlack Skin, White Masks, the traumatogenic scene which installs the black man's sense of alienation from his own body and his inferiority. While this scene has been much discussed, the role accorded the child in this has attracted little attention. This paper focuses on the role and positioning of the child to reconsider Fanon's ideas, in relation to his contribution to the social constitution of subjectivity, arguing that reading Fanon alongside both his citations of Lacan and some aspects of Lacanian theory opens up further interpretive possibilities in teasing out tensions in Fanon's writing around models of subjectivity. Finally, it is argued that it is where Fanon retains an indeterminacy surrounding the child that he is most politically fruitful.

This paper provides new evidence for the empirical literature that investigates the presence of political cycles in fiscal policy and, more precisely, public investments in Brazil. The approach differs from most of the studies for applying the state-space modeling. The greatest benefit is to estimate the cyclical component endogenously and with greater precision. Another difference is that it considers the presence of cycles in central, state and local investments and central government capital transfers. This allows a wider picture of the general government and intergovernmental relationships. The main contributions come from the identification of qualitative differences among the political cycles of each government level - pointing to a smaller degree of direct influence of local elections as it goes from local to state and central levels - and a close relation between cycles of central government transfers and cycles of state and local governments.

El autor expone una reflexión en torno al concepto de persona como una de las nociones más problemáticas en la historia del pensamiento jurídico y político, destacando sus diferentes significaciones, principalmente en relación con la ética y los derechos y partiendo de la base de que el concepto actual de persona es el acuñado por los Padres de la Iglesia en su intento por explicar la naturaleza unitrinitaria de Dios. ; The author presents a reflection on the concept of person as it is considered one of the most problematic notions in the history of legal and political thought, by emphasizing its different meanings, especially in relation to ethics and rights -while he considers the current concept of person linked to the effort of the Fathers of the Church to explain the personal nature of God. ; 27-58 ; francisco.carpintero@uca.es ; anual

"The office of the High Representative was created in order to increase the visibility and the coherence of EU external relations. Based on foreign policy statements, this article analyses to what extent the first High Representative after the Lisbon reforms, Catherine Ashton, achieved these aims. With an average of more than 400 statements per year, she made active use of this tool as an underpinning of her foreign policy. Most of these statements are, however, event driven and devoid of any strategic initiatives, in particular with regard to the EU's strategic partners. Despite the High Representative's 'double hat', the cooperation with the Commission was almost negligible, nor did Ashton visibly link the EU's external relations with its security and defence policy. After Federica Mogherini's first 100 days in office as the new High Representative, there are however already signs of a better use of the tools at hand." (author's abstract)

This paper provides a brief explanation of the Japanese public credit guarantee system and analyzes what role it played during the global financial crisis. The author conducted a questionnaire survey of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in Aichi Prefecture, the prefecture most seriously hit by the crisis, in collaboration with the Aichi-ken Credit Guarantee Corporation. Using the survey, which provides valuable information about the usage of the credit guarantee program, this paper finds that the credit guarantee system was effective in protecting the economy from collapsing. The system was so generous that now almost all SMEs want it to remain unchanged. However, as the generous system brings heavy financial burdens on the Japanese government and, more seriously, discourages firms and banks from improving their efficiencies, the author insists that reforms, such as limiting the target and the guarantee coverage, are inevitable.

This essay constitutes an attempt to develop the concept of 'disaffected consent' that the author first formulated in reflecting on the complex attitude to neoliberal hegemony which seemed to have typified Western European publics both before and after the 2008 financial crisis. The wider context for this Western European phenomenon is a situation in which national electorates have on no occasion offered a convincing mandate to the neoliberal programme. Most of the governments that have implemented such a programme have been elected on the basis of some kind of vague promise either to implement a populist conservatism from the right or to revive social democracy from the left. In particular, this disposition is characterised by a widespread feeling of general disempowerment and low-level alienation, which derives from the inability of individuals to constitute what I call 'potent collectivities' on any scale. Adapted from the source document.

This contribution is based on presentations and discussions at the conference "Safeguarding the Right to Data Protection", held in Paris on the 30th and 31st October, 2014. Vladimir Marinescu, of the Academy of European Law (hereafter: ERA), in cooperation with the Cour de Cassation, organised the event. The conference looked at developments in EU data protection law with a focus on data protection as a fundamental right. Speakers discussed recent jurisprudence from the Court of Justice of the European Union (hereafter: CJEU or the Court), the European Court of Human Rights (hereafter: ECtHR) and national courts. The conference covered four main focus areas: EU data protection law; civil and criminal law aspects of data protection and the internet; data protection as a cornerstone of European fundamental rights protection; and data protection remedies. This contribution elaborates upon some of the most pertinent issues speakers discussed.

One of the major questions in the development of present-day politics has been what effect does the media have on contemporary politics. The media has become a single most used tool of influence in many democratic processes to inspire the public and dictate the behavior of candidates and voters. Analysts have perceived the effect of media as the comportment and demean us in which the media influences political choices and actions. Studies indicate that over the years, the media has not only been key in shaping political events, but has also been vital in providing reliable source of information to citizens of a nation which they require in order to be self-governing and free. This paper focuses on the media effects on contemporary politics. This paper aims to contribute to the analysis of the effects of the media in the campaign, using data from many online databases.

The article studies the principles and criteria for the selection of memoirs devoted to the Great Patriotic War, published in the literary magazine Novy Mir during the thaw. The authors demonstrate how the decision to publish certain materials correlated with the overall aesthetic strategy of the magazine under A. Tvardovsky. The authors make a systemic analysis of one of the most typical examples of military memoirs on the pages of Novy Mir, i.e. General of the Army Gorbatov's Years and Wars. ; В статье предпринято исследование принципов и критериев отбора мемуаров, посвященных Великой Отечественной войне, опубликованных в журнале «Новый мир» в годы «оттепели». Показано, как решение о публикации соотнесено с общей этико-эстетической стратегией журнала под руководством А. Твардовского. Системному анализу подвергнут один из самых типичных образцов военной мемуаристики на страницах «Нового мира» — мемуары генерала армии А. В. Горбатова «Годы и войны».