Suchergebnisse

L'obiettivo della tesi è analizzare in profondità un tema complesso come la povertà. Il fenomeno è in costante crescita, distribuito in modo sempre più eterogeneo nel territorio, con più categorie di persone a rischio esclusione ed isolamento sociale. Nel testo si propongono numerose definizioni di povertà, trattandosi di un termine polisemico e pertanto complicato e riduttivo da racchiudere in una definizione univoca o del tutto esente da giudizi di valore. L'elaborato ne evidenzia le molteplici dimensioni - sociale, economica, relazionale, sanitaria, alimentare, educativa e culturale - che lo caratterizzano, le cause che lo determinano e le conseguenze che può scaturire. Tuttavia, risulta complicato individuarle con precisione in quanto possono presentarsi congiuntamente e variano in base allo spazio e al tempo, per cui impossibili da generalizzare. Si analizza anche il concetto di esclusione sociale, valutato in rapporto a quello di povertà. I due fenomeni solo apparentemente sono sinonimi perché in realtà non coincidono esattamente: il primo costituisce solo una delle dimensioni, seppur ampia e complessa, del secondo. L'emergere di nuovi bisogni complessi, che hanno colpito sia il singolo individuo che il gruppo e la collettività, ha richiesto un cambiamento operativo a livello istituzionale, dove si incentiva una programmazione integrata socio-sanitaria e si applica un approccio manageriale alle pubbliche amministrazioni; a livello gestionale, in cui si punta a promuovere un metodo di lavoro multidisciplinare e l'utilizzo della co-progettazione come strumento innovativo in campo sociale; a livello professionale, con l'assistente sociale che non è un semplice erogatore di servizi e prestazioni, ma ricopre più ruoli nel corso del processo di aiuto, valuta globalmente la situazione, promuove la risorse della persona e della comunità e favorisce la costruzione di una rete sociale territoriale. Inoltre, vi è la necessità di innovare e rendere più efficienti ed esigibili i servizi e gli interventi assistenziali e cambiare la prospettiva professionale di aiuto. Si passa da un processo di carattere residuale e prevalentemente riparatorio alla costruzione condivisa di interventi personalizzati che promuovono altresì l'autonomia e l'empowerment dell'utente e ne rafforzano la capacità di problem solving e le relazioni sociali. La parte centrale del lavoro, è dedicata al ruolo del Servizio Sociale nel contrasto alla povertà, che ha assunto nel tempo maggiore protagonismo in fase programmatoria ed è stato investito di più funzioni in campo operativo. Il servizio sociale professionale sta progressivamente acquistando una duplice funzione – promozionale e preventiva. Si passa dal lavoro sull'utente al lavoro con l'utente, con il soggetto che non è più passivo all'interno del progetto di aiuto personalizzato, bensì ne diventa parte attiva, superando una logica meramente assistenziale. La nascita di "nuove povertà", spesso derivanti da cause diverse e plurime, ha ampliato le categorie di persone a rischio povertà, che le politiche sociali e il sistema di welfare non riescono a ridurre. Si descrivono i soggetti più vulnerabili e le tipologie di bisogni che possono manifestarsi nel corso della vita della persona, riprendendo la classificazione piramidale di Maslow. Si valorizzano la modalità di lavoro multidisciplinare, le reti sociali e lo strumento della co-progettazione. La partecipazione di più professionisti e/o volontari consente di integrare competenze, punti di vista e risorse per poter rispondere in modo più efficiente e mirato alle esigenze del cittadino o della comunità. Le reti sociali rappresentano una elemento importante per la definizione di un progetto di aiuto in quanto consentono di mettere in campo le risorse informali esistenti, integrarle con i servizi territoriali e valorizzare/rafforzare i legami sociali per contrastare il disagio, ridurre le fragilità e prevenire l'emergere di una nuova situazione di difficoltà. La co-progettazione è uno strumento che promuove una partnership formale tra pubblica amministrazione, terzo settore e società civile, finalizzata alla realizzazione di interventi sociali integrati e innovativi. Si affronta il tema della lotta alla povertà e all'esclusione sociale dal punto di vista politico, che negli ultimi anni ha assunto un ruolo centrale all'interno delle agende nazionali, portando all'attuazione di diverse politiche sociali per contrastarne e prevenirne la diffusione. Uno sguardo più generale è stato rivolto al panorama europeo, esaminando le principali strategie di intervento e di programmazione sociale, per poi concentrarsi sul caso italiano, descrivendo il sistema di welfare nazionale e locale e le politiche di inclusione sociale, sempre più orientate al duplice obiettivo di sostegno economico e autodeterminazione del beneficiario. Un'importante attenzione è dedicata al contesto territoriale quale luogo più vicino al cittadino e ambito di riferimento per l'analisi di bisogni, risorse, potenzialità e criticità. La sfida attuale è quella di promuovere una comunità in grado di "autocurarsi" e di creare una rete assistenziale socio-sanitaria per potenziare e rendere più efficace il pacchetto dei servizi offerti e disincentivare l'istituzionalizzazione della persona. La seconda parte del testo si riporta l'esempio di quanto è stato attuato in una realtà territoriale per il contrasto alla povertà e all'esclusione sociale. Si analizza quindi la strategia adottata nel Comune di Capannori, quale ente capofila della Piana di Lucca e una delle zone distretto professionalmente più avanzate, in cui è stato co-costruito un tavolo tecnico, potenziata l'equipe multidisciplinare ed incentivata la co-progettazione con il Terzo settore, promuovendo la nascita di un nuovo modello operativo. Si descrivono brevemente alcuni progetti realizzati nel territorio, relativi all'inclusione sociale e lavorativa, al supporto educativo e familiare e all'emergenza abitativa, evidenziando la presa in carico multidisciplinare e la collaborazione tra enti pubblici e del privato sociale. Nel capitolo conclusivo, viene descritta l'evoluzione della povertà dopo la crisi economica del 2008 da un punto di vista maggiormente statistico, anche qui rivolgendo un duplice sguardo al contesto europeo ed italiano. La parte finale è dedicata ad una lettura della situazione in relazione all'impatto generato dalla pandemia Covid-19, che ha avuto forti ripercussioni sia sulla salute dei cittadini che sul mercato del lavoro e sull'economia mondiale, facendo registrare un aumento esponenziale del numero di persone e famiglie a rischio povertà e la crescita della forbice della disuguaglianza. The goal of the thesis is to analyze in depth a complex issue such as poverty. The phenomenon is constantly growing, distributed in an increasingly heterogeneous way in the territory, with more categories of people at risk of social exclusion and isolation. Numerous definitions of poverty are proposed in the text, since it is a polysemic term and therefore complicated and reductive to be enclosed in a single definition or completely free from value judgments. The paper highlights the multiple dimensions - social, economic, relational, health, food, educational and cultural - that characterize it, the causes that determine it and the consequences that can arise. However, it is difficult to identify them precisely as they can occur jointly and vary according to space and time, making them impossible to generalize. The concept of social exclusion is also analyzed, evaluated in relation to that of poverty. The two phenomena are only apparently synonymous because in reality they do not exactly coincide: the first constitutes only one of the dimensions, albeit large and complex, of the second. The emergence of new complex needs, which have affected both the individual and the group and the community, has required an operational change at an institutional level, where integrated social and health planning is encouraged and a managerial approach is applied to public administrations; at the management level, which aims to promote a multidisciplinary working method and the use of co-design as an innovative tool in the social field; at a professional level, with the social worker who is not a simple provider of services and benefits, but covers several roles during the help process, evaluates the situation globally, promotes the resources of the person and the community and favors the construction of a territorial social network. Furthermore, there is a need to innovate and make welfare services and interventions more efficient and payable and change the professional perspective of help. We move from a residual and mainly restorative process to the shared construction of personalized interventions that also promote the autonomy and empowerment of the user and strengthen their problem-solving skills and social relationships. The central part of the work is dedicated to the role of the Social Service in combating poverty, which over time has taken on greater prominence in the planning phase and has been invested with more functions in the operational field. The professional social service is gradually acquiring a dual function - promotional and preventive. We move from working on the user to working with the user, with the subject who is no longer passive within the personalized aid project, but becomes an active part of it, overcoming a merely welfare logic. The birth of "new poverties", often deriving from different and multiple causes, has widened the categories of people at risk of poverty, which social policies and the welfare system cannot reduce. The most vulnerable subjects and the types of needs that may arise during the person's life are described, taking up Maslow's pyramid classification. The multidisciplinary working method, social networks and the tool of co-planning are enhanced. The participation of several professionals and / or volunteers makes it possible to integrate skills, points of view and resources in order to respond more efficiently and targeted to the needs of citizens or the community. Social networks represent an important element for the definition of an aid project as they make it possible to deploy existing informal resources, integrate them with local services and enhance / strengthen social ties to combat hardship, reduce fragility and prevent emergence of a new difficult situation. Co-planning is a tool that promotes a formal partnership between public administration, third sector and civil society, aimed at the realization of integrated and innovative social interventions. It deals with the issue of the fight against poverty and social exclusion from a political point of view, which in recent years has assumed a central role within national agendas, leading to the implementation of various social policies to combat and prevent its spread. A more general look was turned to the European panorama, examining the main intervention strategies and social planning, and then focusing on the Italian case, describing the national and local welfare system and the social inclusion policies, increasingly oriented to the dual objective. of economic support and self-determination of the beneficiary. Important attention is paid to the territorial context as a place closest to the citizen and a reference area for the analysis of needs, resources, potential and critical issues. The current challenge is to promote a community capable of "self-healing" and to create a social and health care network to enhance and make the package of services offered more effective and discourage the institutionalization of the person. The second part of the text gives an example of what has been implemented in a territorial reality for the fight against poverty and social exclusion. The strategy adopted in the Municipality of Capannori is then analyzed, as the leading body of the Piana di Lucca and one of the most professionally advanced district areas, in which a technical table has been co-built, the multidisciplinary team strengthened and co-planning with the third sector, promoting the birth of a new operating model. Some projects carried out in the area are briefly described, relating to social and work inclusion, educational and family support and housing emergency, highlighting the multidisciplinary management and collaboration between public and private social entities. In the concluding chapter, the evolution of poverty after the 2008 economic crisis is described from a more statistical point of view, again with a double look at the European and Italian context. The final part is dedicated to a reading of the situation in relation to the impact generated by the Covid-19 pandemic, which has had strong repercussions both on the health of citizens and on the labor market and on the world economy, recording an exponential increase in the number of people and families at risk of poverty and the growth of the inequality gap.

Este trabajo de tesis doctoral, que tiene por objeto esencialmente la protección que el valor medio ambiente tiene en nuestro sistema constitucional, se estructura en cuatro capítulos que contextualizan dicha protección y que aportan elementos de aplicación concreta en el ámbito local y en las prácticas ciudadanas. Sus cuatro grandes bloques temáticos se inician con uno inicial que aborda el estudio de los aspectos internacionales de la protección del medio ambiente, que incluye la protección del medio ambiente a nivel universal, en particular las cumbres internacionales de Naciones Unidas sobre medio ambiente, desde la primera de 1992 hasta las celebradas en 2019 Nueva York y Madrid. Este capítulo primero también se centra en la Unión Europea, en sus diferentes programas de acción de los últimos cuarenta años, abordando también los últimos avances, en particular, la nueva normativa de la Unión Europea frente al cambio climático, o el Pacto Verde Europeo, uno de los ejes estratégicos de la nueva Comisión Europea para el período político 2019-2024. Por último, este capítulo inicial aborda la protección constitucional del medio ambiente en algunos Estados iberoamericanos (Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, México, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Uruguay y Venezuela), y la importante Encíclica del Papa Francisco Laudado Si, de 2015, Sobre el Cuidado de la Casa Común. La parte central de la tesis doctoral se dedica al tratamiento que la constitución española de 1978 otorga al medio ambiente. Desde aspectos conceptuales previos, hasta la protección del medio ambiente como objetivo constitucional, pasando por el establecimiento normativo de sanciones penales derivadas de la protección constitucional del medio ambiente, la naturaleza de la protección del medio ambiente en nuestra Constitución o la obligación constitucional de conservar el medio ambiente como contenido del Estado social, con varias propuestas de reforma constitucional. También se aborda en esta parte central el reparto competencial entre el Estado y las Comunidades Autónomas de la materia medio ambiente, las competencias del Estado Español en materia ambiental, descendiendo a cuestiones concretas como la organización administrativa estatal, el Ministerio para la Transición Ecológica, así como instrumentos de planificación política como el Plan Nacional Integrado de Energía y Clima 2021-2030. En la parte final de este capítulo segundo se abordan cuestiones como las competencias de las Comunidades Autónomas en medio ambiente, la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Constitucional en relación la protección del medio ambiente, o el enfoque multinivel en la protección del medio ambiente, con un epígrafe dedicado al papel de los Ayuntamientos. El capítulo tercero se dedica a la protección del medio ambiente en la Comunidad Autónoma de Andalucía. En concreto, se abordan cuestiones como la protección del medio ambiente en el Estatuto de Autonomía para Andalucía, las competencias de la Comunidad Autónoma de Andalucía en materia ambiental, normativa andaluza ambiental de desarrollo en materia de prevención y control ambiental, sobre calidad ambiental, sobre gestión del agua o la nueva ley andaluza frente al cambio climático, así como la organización política-administrativa de la gestión ambiental en Andalucía. Y en cuarto lugar, se aborda la parte experimental de la tesis doctoral, derivada de una amplia experiencia profesional, institucional, académica y ciudadana del autor en relación al objeto temático de la tesis doctoral. Bajo la denominación de "ciudadanía, participación y medio ambiente", se tratan cuestiones como el bien común medioambiental, la implicación de la ciudadanía en la protección del medio ambiente, las iniciativas ciudadanas en la ciudad de Córdoba en defensa del patrimonio común, la participación ciudadana en la gestión del medio ambiente, el movimiento universal de la juventud en defensa del medio ambiente (acción global los viernes por el futuro), ecofeminismo, o la cooperación del poder local con la ciudadanía en la aplicación de políticas concretas de protección del medio ambiente. En la parte final de este esencial capítulo de la tesis doctoral se incorpora la experiencia de la ciudad de Córdoba en la protección del medio ambiente, en particular la experiencia en la gestión de los residuos urbanos en la Ciudad de Córdoba en la que el autor estuvo vinculado durante varios años como responsable de gestión municipal, la labor educativa del Instituto Municipal de Gestión Medioambiental de Córdoba, la iniciativa ciudadana por el Parque Natural Sierra Morena de Córdoba o el foro ciudadano por el derecho a la ciudad, iniciativas ciudadanas en las que el autor ha participado activa y directamente. Entre las conclusiones del trabajo, destacan algunas de reforma constitucional, otras de acciones públicas concretas, ya sean legislativas o de implementación de políticas públicas, así como de impulso desde la sociedad civil de iniciativas ciudadanas de cuidado del bien común medio ambiental. En la última de las conclusiones, la trigésima, el autor plantea la oportunidad de que, en este final de década del siglo XXI, pudiera surgir el "Estado ecologista", como una profundización y especial compromiso del Estado social. La estructura estatal, como organización racional del poder político, que empezó siendo un Estado liberal de Derecho, que evolucionó hacia el Estado democrático y, finalmente, pensando en el bienestar material general, llegó a ser un Estado social en el siglo XX, quizá en la tercera década del presente siglo, esa estructura política Estado ha de pensar en el entorno de vida que nos rodea, con carácter transversal y prioritario, y convertirse así, en una cuarta dimensión, en un "Estado ecologista". La tesis incluye, finalmente, un anexo documental con los hechos históricos 1901-2019 sobre movilidad urbana y cambio climático a nivel global, en España y en Córdoba, otro con datos básicos del medio ambiente en Andalucía, un tercero con normativa ambiental de Andalucía, otro con normativa ambiental de España, y uno final con modelos de escritos a la Administración en temas ambientales, así como un amplio apartado de bibliografía y de fuentes de información electrónicas. ; This doctoral thesis work, which essentially aims at the protection that the environmental value has in our constitutional system, is structured in four chapters that contextualize said protection and that provide elements of concrete application at the local level and in citizen practices. Its four major thematic blocks begin with an initial one that addresses the study of international aspects of environmental protection, which includes the protection of the environment at a universal level, in particular the United Nations international summits on the environment, from the first of 1992 until those held in 2019 New York and Madrid. This first chapter also focuses on the European Union, in its different action programs of the last forty years, also addressing the latest developments, in particular, the new European Union regulations on climate change, or the European Green Pact, One of the strategic axes of the new European Commission for the 2019-2024 political period. Finally, this initial chapter deals with the constitutional protection of the environment in some Latin American states (Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Uruguay and Venezuela), and the important Encyclical of Pope Francisco Laudado Si, of 2015, About the Care of the Common House. The central part of the doctoral thesis is dedicated to the treatment that the Spanish constitution of 1978 gives to the environment. From previous conceptual aspects, to the protection of the environment as a constitutional objective, through the normative establishment of penal sanctions derived from the constitutional protection of the environment, the nature of the protection of the environment in our Constitution or the constitutional obligation to preserve the environment as content of the social State, with several proposals for constitutional reform In this central part, the competence distribution between the State and the Autonomous Communities of the environment, the competences of the Spanish State in environmental matters, descending to specific issues such as the state administrative organization, the Ministry for Ecological Transition, as well as as instruments of political planning such as the National Integrated Energy and Climate Plan 2021-2030. In the final part of this second chapter, issues such as the competences of the Autonomous Communities in the environment, the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court in relation to the protection of the environment, or the multilevel approach to environmental protection are addressed, with a dedicated heading to the role of the Town Halls The third chapter is dedicated to the protection of the environment in the Autonomous Community of Andalusia. Specifically, issues such as environmental protection are addressed in the Statute of Autonomy for Andalusia, the competences of the Autonomous Community of Andalusia in environmental matters, Andalusian environmental regulations for environmental prevention and control, on environmental quality, on water management or the new Andalusian law against climate change, as well as the politicaladministrative organization of environmental management in Andalusia. And fourthly, the experimental part of the doctoral thesis is approached, derived from a broad professional, institutional, academic and citizen experience of the author in relation to the thematic object of the doctoral thesis. Under the name of "citizenship, participation and environment", issues such as the common environmental good, the involvement of citizens in the protection of the environment, citizen initiatives in the city of Córdoba in defense of the common heritage, participation are discussed citizen in environmental management, the universal youth movement in defense of the environment (global action on Friday for the future), ecofeminism, or the cooperation of local power with citizens in the application of concrete environmental protection policies environment. In the final part of this essential chapter of the doctoral thesis, the experience of the city of Córdoba is incorporated into the protection of the environment, in particular the experience in the management of urban waste in the City of Córdoba in which the author was linked for several years as responsible for municipal management, the educational work of the Municipal Institute of Environmental Management of Córdoba, the citizen initiative for the Sierra Morena Natural Park of Córdoba or the citizen forum for the right to the city, citizen initiatives in which the Author has participated actively and directly. Among the conclusions of the work, some of the constitutional reform, others of concrete public actions, whether legislative or the implementation of public policies, as well as the promotion from civil society of citizen initiatives for the care of the common environmental good stand out. In the last of the conclusions, the thirtieth, the author raises the opportunity that, in this end of the decade of the 21st century, the "Ecological State" could emerge, as a deepening and special commitment of the social State. The state structure, as a rational organization of political power, which began as a liberal State of Law, which evolved into the democratic State and, finally, thinking about general material welfare, became a social State in the twentieth century, perhaps in In the third decade of the present century, that political structure of the State must think about the environment of life that surrounds us, with a transversal and priority nature, and thus become, in a fourth dimension, an "Ecological State". The thesis includes, finally, a documentary annex with the historical events 1901-2019 on urban mobility and climate change at a global level, in Spain and in Córdoba, another with basic data of the environment in Andalusia, a third with environmental regulations of Andalusia, another with environmental regulations in Spain, and a final one with written models to the Administration on environmental issues, as well as a large section of bibliography and electronic sources of information.

The twentieth century (characterized by the gruesome and haze of horror of two World Wars, the Cold Wars-CW, dictatorships, civil wars, genocides, etc.) has seen a great transformation in warfare but to the expense of the innocent civilians and yet in the full view of regulatory internationally recognized war-laws. So, if at one point in history, civilian populations hardly suffered war directly, the order of the state of affairs has now changed. Many civilians perish simply because warlords so desire; extremes of violence, killings and destruction of property is predominantly preferred. As if that is not enough, the indifference of the majority of the public in tranquil zones of the world towards the fate of the civilians in zones under by fire kind of provide implicit licenses to violence planners to do whatever it takes to "win". Consequently, great numbers of survivors are seen trying to escape from situations of assured death to that of probable death. It is against this background that we feel moved to take on this dissertation. Bearing in mind the generally complex and challenging contemporary conflicts that acutely breeds volatile security environments (for civilians), our thesis is that there needed to be an increased, noteworthy and continued applicable innovation of approaches to civilian protection. To be precise, as a strategy to sustainable peace, we have aspired after a world where the United Nations Peacekeeping Department (UNPKD) is not singly considered the sole custodian of the concept of civilian protection but (based on contexts and cases) as one but a leader among other stakeholders (local and foreign) able and ready to contribute to the common-pool of operational arenas. Thinking about these other stake holders, we have in this work stood by those that: firstly, move towards more civilian-centered operations that are; secondly, carried out by (a mixture of grassroots and international) unarmed civilians by means of; thirdly, engages nonviolent approaches and practices that in themselves anticipate the basic constituents of successive bottom-up Peacemaking (PK) and Peacebuilding (PB) in the hic et nunc of their Peacekeeping (PK) initiatives and applications. All these basics, in our view, do not just add up to drawing a continuous line that intersects the just mentioned Three Approaches to Peace (PK, PM, PB) coined by Johan Galtung way back in 1975; they also open avenues to sustainability. The thesis is taken on through three different parts; each subdivided into two chapters. With due attention to intrastate contemporary violent conflicts, the first part tries to demonstrate the reason why in PK there has been indeed need for rethinking the protection of civilians (PoC) and/or for enriching the methods until now employed in bringing it about. In the first chapter of the part, we kind of gave a sketchy attention to the historical journey that the patterns of violent conflicts in relation to the fate of non-combatants have made. It emerges that, unlike in the past, the pattern of contemporary violent conflict, especially with reference to the CW (especially in third-world countries) and post-CW periods, have become severely complex to handle. Wars have continued and proved to be very hot especially on the populations on the periphery; on those who are minimally directly concerned with and honestly ignorant of its objectives. In the period in question, these innocent men, women and children are more than ever struck hard not just by its direct consequences but also the indirect ones and their hopes are constantly put at the brink of mere survival and of the grave. Mores so the lucky ones who manage to escape these snares, continue to unwaveringly hope for bread, freedom, justice and peace, instead of iron that kills and destroys. In chapter II of the same part, looking at the commitments borne by the UN right from its early years in keeping, initially, the interstate and successively also the intrastate peace (of those tormented by reign of violence and terror), we acknowledge the strides gradually taken along the years. These strides has better late than never embraced a multidimensional point in time where civilian protection counts as a primacy. Accordingly, we recognize that the UN military PK is certainly capable of reducing the level of tension in conflicts but we also negated that, by so doing, it is able to guarantee a durable peace not only because of the application of the non-peaceful means which is limited to separating the conflicting parties but also because it lacks the strategic concern of fostering an active citizenship which is a basic ingredient to democratic populace. In Part Two, we have concentrated on the vision and the peculiar picture of the practitioners of the alternative way, particularly; the Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP) which operates on a benchmark of bottom-up strategic empowerment of local civilian unarmed and nonviolent efforts by international unarmed and nonviolent civilians to protect civilians, prevent, reduce and stop violent conflicts. The first chapter of this second part begins by singling out some of the nuts and bolts (Like: The centrality of sustainability; strategic, local and multilevel capacity and relational empowerment and mediation for peace; conflict transformation as the adequate language; nonviolence and nonpartisanship as a philosophy) that make Unarmed Civilian Protection (UCP) stands out faithfully to the above stated aspirations. Without giving importance to the chronological specifics and with a particular reference to the assessment of the practicality of the project that, on a later date, would organizationally become the NP, an extensive attention is paid to the vicissitudes that surrounded the founding of this UCP protection agency and especially to the foundations of the formative elements entailed. Chapter II does not only build on the findings and stimuli of Chapter I, it supersedes it and makes real a new and distinct reality. Herein, a unique place is devoted to the formative components reserved to the practitioners as a strategy for guaranteeing the competencies and high professionalism needed for the successful execution of field strategies attached to the NP UCP objectives, principles, key methods and practices. Through the analysis of the UCP Training Course entitled "Strengthening Civilian Capacities to Protect Civilians; A joint UNITAR- Nonviolent Peaceforce online Course" the chapter tries to show how the activities of the organization intrinsically flow from its very being; from elements which define it. And this is illustrated in how the very life of the NP UCP is blended with its formative spirit and content; a sort of transformative training that seeks to promote transformative operational frameworks that applicable to situations and contexts. The third part of the work is an applied one. It is dedicated to our chosen case study, namely, NP's intervention in the longtime violence-stricken Republic of South Sudan; in a country which (Thomas Hobbes would say) has once again reverted to its natural state; a harsh reality of hand to mouth living and a never ending search for sustenance in an ambiance virtually challenging to change. In chapter I, the pragmatic implementation of NP UCP in strengthening the local civilians' capacity, security and sense of safety in situation of violent conflict is marked out. Here, some concrete instances of this intervention are presented to exemplify the claim that a multiple base of actors (UCPs, the inviting civil society and/or local NGOs of an UCP presence and local partners) can sustainably and strategically provide the PoC work that for a long time was and is still largely entrusted to the military. And at the end of the day PK, PM, PB resources are considered to consist in not only financial and material supports, but also, and (in the same way) importantly, the socio-cultural resources of the affected people. And in this way people in conflict settings are seen as resources rather than recipients. Even though we evidently confirmed that the alternative way counts exceptionally big in strategically promoting, developing, and implementing sustainable unarmed civilian PK as a tool for preventing, reducing and stopping violence and protecting civilians in situations of violent conflict, we also acknowledge that it is not without challenges. These are actually what chapter two of the part extensively dwells on. The second chapter is instead dedicated (at length) to looking at the challenges that NP faces not only with regard to its missions lands but also in general. We have gone about this in the form of a comprehensive assessment and in some humble recommendations are advanced. Among these challenges we have particularly paid attention to issues like: The meager UCP funding and the dominant top-down mentality; the violent bully character of some major world power wielders; the need for more practitioners to carry out UCP; the dynamicity and complexity of conflict nature as a challenge; conflict prevention challenges like delays in capturing the signs of time so as to effectively intervene; the presence of spoilers as a challenge; the challenge of effective sustainable credibility. Recommendations proposed include among others: Investing in systematic reflections on the extent of the progress and failures so far registered in efforts to involve the UN, regional bodies and other donor agencies or individuals in the cause of NP (UCP) and reflecting on the philosophy that underpins the reasons why financial assistance to UCP and NP in particular is founded; more emphasis on the already existing engagement with political leaders and other influential people and embarking on popular campaigns to propagate a concretely evidenced knowledge of the feasibility of the alternative way, instituting and investing in "School Project" (dedicated to preferably to high schools) within the NP Advocacy and Outreach office and insisting on the positives of volunteers' contribution; enriching a little more the content of the just elaborated online UCP training course; etc. Hereafter, the general conclusion of our dissertation will be drawn. A profound acknowledgement of the UNPK pivotal role with its actual multidimensional fronts in PK basically intended as PoC specifically in the contemporary intrastate violent conflicts. It is also observed that, thanks to the appropriate blending of local and international capacities giving priority to the former, UCP's strategic approach to PK (which is not limited to the PoCs but is also anchored to preventing, reducing and ending not just those that are already on but also lays for standing up to the future possible ones) could be counted on. Thus far, it is on one hand, admissible that, despite all the challenges that there may be, NP (UCP) mechanisms is already proffering a great deal to this end, and on the other, it is evident that it can and should still do more. The ability of its interventions to stand the test of time and to stand up to the future conflicts (i.e. its sustainability) resides in a time which is not yet at hand and in the continuous involvement and inventiveness of many. As per now, if the Italian proverb "Il buongiorno si vede dal mattino" (Meaning: You can tell how something will go by how it begins) holds, then it is, up till now, realistic to count on NP as one of the most outstanding Bottom-up UCP organizations in the PoC in (selected) contemporary violent conflict situations. All that is needed is the building and the consolidation of international interest and support for UCP that presents the hope and reality of alternatives to over dependence on armed intervention; alternatives that chances the revitalization of local communities and the restoration of the social fabrics and capital of the affected people.

Розглянуто питання управління бюджетними коштами в умовах децентралізації у контексті нових підходів до методики його здійснення. На основі ґрунтовного та всебічного аналізу управління бюджетними коштами визначено низку удосконалень, які можуть бути застосовані з огляду на сучасний стан розвитку міжбюджетних відносин та законодавче забезпечення функціонування об'єднаних територіальних громад місцевого самоврядування загалом. Означено характерні особливості кожного з удосконалень та окреслено порядок їх застосування для управління бюджетними коштами. ; Problem setting. The process of decentralization, which was initiated in order to strengthen the material and financial basis of local self-government, requires the latest approaches to its implementation, given the complexity of the process, the large number of issues of the functioning of the territorial communities, which it covers and the ambiguity of the consequences it leads to. Since it, on the one hand, can contribute to the development of separate territorial communities at the expense of additional financial resources and, on the other hand, create barriers for the development of other communities with less economic potential and can not compete with more developed regions, provided that the transition to a self-financing model of local self-government is preferable .This is particularly evident in the management of budgetary funds that are available to territorial communities and should be used most rationally and efficiently on the one hand and have enough to finance their aspirated needs from another. And in view of this, there is a need for an analysis of the methods of managing budget funds in a decentralized environment that would correspond to the current trends in the development of territorial communities and were of a new character.Recent research and publications analysis. A number of scholars in their writings touched upon issues of budget activity in the conditions of decentralization, including in its fiscal aspect, among them: V. Bodrov, T. Buturlakin, A. Vasiliev, G. Voznyak, O. Kyrylenko, A. Lelechenko, Z. Lobodina, G. Lopushniak, M. Vlivdar, V. Kuybida, I. Lunin, S. Romaniuk, A. Tkachuk, G. Shakhov and others. Among foreign scholars should mention Sh. Blankarta, G. Bivaleets, M. J. Byukenen, R. A. Masgraveva, Y. Kulyavika and others.The scholars and the questions of the concept of fiscal decentralization were considered, which were reflected in the works of O. Borislavskaya, I. Volokhova, V. Hamana, M. Goncharenko, Y. Grinchenko, O. Kyrilenko, N. Kryshtof, O. Lisenko, O. Onishchenko, S. Romanyuk, M. Ruban, A. Yakymchuk, V. Yaroshchuk and others like that.However, the question of the methodology of managing budget funds in conditions of decentralization and its improvement was not the subject of a separate scientific analysis.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. In general, the issue of budget activities in the context of decentralization was considered mainly from the point of view of the functioning of individual budgets and the needs of their adaptation to this process. That is, the scholars considered separate issues of budget activity in a decentralized environment without analyzing the methodology of managing budget funds in the course of decentralization processes.At the same time, it is the methods of management of budget funds that would correspond to the current state of decentralization processes taking place in local self-government were not the subject of separate scientific research, and therefore there is a need for scientific research in this direction.Paper main body. From the point of view of public administration of budgetary funds in the conditions of decentralization, it is necessary to determine the method of management of budget funds in the conditions of decentralization as a set of consistent actions aimed at achieving the result in the form of improved management of such budgetary funds. In view of the complex nature of budget relations and the issues of legal and practical regulation of fiscal decentralization, it is advisable to choose an approach based on development, with subsequent practical application, not one and a number of new methods that should improve the management of budgetary funds in conditions of decentralization. Having grasped the most important issues of managing budget funds in the territorial communities.At the state level, the relevant financial, property and budgetary rights of local self-government are guaranteed, with the allocation of local budgets as independent components in the budget system of Ukraine, and the opportunities for transferring resources to the bodies of self-organization of the population are guaranteed, which must be taken into account during the management of budget funds in conditions of decentralization.Until the start of a new budget period, territorial communities are not able to take advantage of all the financial opportunities provided to united territorial communities. Including receive corresponding revenues to the budget of the united territorial community, as provided for in Article 64 of the Budget Code of Ukraine. And this reduces the budget opportunities of the united territorial community, especially when the union took place at the beginning of the fiscal year. Therefore, it is expedient to allow such associations to be held and in the future, without limiting them only in the framework of 2018, by making appropriate amendments to the current legislation and adding in this part of the Methodology for the formation of capable territorial communities.The territorial community is estimated by the population criterion and the area without taking into account the particulars of the area (the mountainous location, the severity of the availability of particular settlements or parts of the territories), the existing infrastructure on the ground (its degree of development, wear, suitability for use), natural and climatic conditions, etc. Therefore, it is advisable to supplement the Methodology, as well as the Law of Ukraine "On Voluntary Association of Territorial Communities", with norms that would take into account a greater number of factors for the financing needs of territorial communities.The resources available to the territorial communities should be the basis of their activities and the effectiveness of their use will be directly dependent on the possibility of functioning of such communities, on the principle – the lack of resources dictates the need for joining another territorial community. Also, not all territorial communities are fully capable of self-financing, and therefore need support from the State Budget.An important issue is the transfer of powers without their proper funding, which leads to the creation of a significant amount of deficit within the local budgets to cover the use of funds that could be used to develop the territorial communities. Therefore, it is important in the Methodology for the formation of capable territorial communities to consider the mechanism of management of budget funds, which should be based on the appropriate level of financing of delegated powers, without which the execution of such powers or other functions of local self-government may be endangered. Also, during the management of budget funds, it should be possible to borrow all the budgets of local self-government bodies, especially the budgets of the joint territorial communities, which at the expense of the received funds will be able to implement projects that are important for the communities and develop the economies of such communities. At the same time, the restrictions contained in the Budget Code of Ukraine, regarding the financial possibilities of borrowing funds of territorial communities and their use within the budgets of development should be kept.There is a legal framework for involving civil society organizations in the consideration of budget issues of local self-government and their control by the budget process at the level of territorial communities. However, the Methodology for the formation of capable territorial communities does not provide for the possibility of conducting public financial control over the formation of the budget, primarily through its public discussion, and further control over its implementation by the public and public organizations of such a community. This shortcoming must be corrected by making appropriate additions to this Methodology.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The main new approaches to improving the methodology for managing budget funds in the territorial communities are as follows:– transition to the budget of the united territorial community from the budgets of the territorial communities that united without setting the time frame for such a transition;– management of budget funds in terms of allocating financial support between the budgets of the joint territorial communities, which needs to be improved and taking into account additional factors influencing the need for features of location (in particular landscape), natural and climatic conditions;– management of the budget funds of a territorial community is based on the following key provisions: 1) territorial communities should receive at least 50% (according to the model of European states) from taxes, fees, payments paid on the territory of the community; 2) territorial communities should be self-financing, which, on the one hand, will put them in an effective use of resources, and on the other, create additional incentives for the formation of united territorial communities that will be financially self-sufficient; 3) support from the state budget should be provided on the basis of functions, including social, carried out by the territorial communities, with full financing of these functions;– management of local budgets, which consists of borrowing opportunities for all budgets of local self-government bodies, especially budgets of united territorial communities;– introduction of public control in the field of local budgets, the formation and implementation of the budget of territorial communities.The prospect of further research is the detailed elaboration of the identified ways of improving the methodology of budget funds management and the formation of legislative acts for its implementation.

Розглянуто питання управління бюджетними коштами в умовах децентралізації у контексті нових підходів до методики його здійснення. На основі ґрунтовного та всебічного аналізу управління бюджетними коштами визначено низку удосконалень, які можуть бути застосовані з огляду на сучасний стан розвитку міжбюджетних відносин та законодавче забезпечення функціонування об'єднаних територіальних громад місцевого самоврядування загалом. Означено характерні особливості кожного з удосконалень та окреслено порядок їх застосування для управління бюджетними коштами. ; Problem setting. The process of decentralization, which was initiated in order to strengthen the material and financial basis of local self-government, requires the latest approaches to its implementation, given the complexity of the process, the large number of issues of the functioning of the territorial communities, which it covers and the ambiguity of the consequences it leads to. Since it, on the one hand, can contribute to the development of separate territorial communities at the expense of additional financial resources and, on the other hand, create barriers for the development of other communities with less economic potential and can not compete with more developed regions, provided that the transition to a self-financing model of local self-government is preferable .This is particularly evident in the management of budgetary funds that are available to territorial communities and should be used most rationally and efficiently on the one hand and have enough to finance their aspirated needs from another. And in view of this, there is a need for an analysis of the methods of managing budget funds in a decentralized environment that would correspond to the current trends in the development of territorial communities and were of a new character.Recent research and publications analysis. A number of scholars in their writings touched upon issues of budget activity in the conditions of decentralization, including in its fiscal aspect, among them: V. Bodrov, T. Buturlakin, A. Vasiliev, G. Voznyak, O. Kyrylenko, A. Lelechenko, Z. Lobodina, G. Lopushniak, M. Vlivdar, V. Kuybida, I. Lunin, S. Romaniuk, A. Tkachuk, G. Shakhov and others. Among foreign scholars should mention Sh. Blankarta, G. Bivaleets, M. J. Byukenen, R. A. Masgraveva, Y. Kulyavika and others.The scholars and the questions of the concept of fiscal decentralization were considered, which were reflected in the works of O. Borislavskaya, I. Volokhova, V. Hamana, M. Goncharenko, Y. Grinchenko, O. Kyrilenko, N. Kryshtof, O. Lisenko, O. Onishchenko, S. Romanyuk, M. Ruban, A. Yakymchuk, V. Yaroshchuk and others like that.However, the question of the methodology of managing budget funds in conditions of decentralization and its improvement was not the subject of a separate scientific analysis.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. In general, the issue of budget activities in the context of decentralization was considered mainly from the point of view of the functioning of individual budgets and the needs of their adaptation to this process. That is, the scholars considered separate issues of budget activity in a decentralized environment without analyzing the methodology of managing budget funds in the course of decentralization processes.At the same time, it is the methods of management of budget funds that would correspond to the current state of decentralization processes taking place in local self-government were not the subject of separate scientific research, and therefore there is a need for scientific research in this direction.Paper main body. From the point of view of public administration of budgetary funds in the conditions of decentralization, it is necessary to determine the method of management of budget funds in the conditions of decentralization as a set of consistent actions aimed at achieving the result in the form of improved management of such budgetary funds. In view of the complex nature of budget relations and the issues of legal and practical regulation of fiscal decentralization, it is advisable to choose an approach based on development, with subsequent practical application, not one and a number of new methods that should improve the management of budgetary funds in conditions of decentralization. Having grasped the most important issues of managing budget funds in the territorial communities.At the state level, the relevant financial, property and budgetary rights of local self-government are guaranteed, with the allocation of local budgets as independent components in the budget system of Ukraine, and the opportunities for transferring resources to the bodies of self-organization of the population are guaranteed, which must be taken into account during the management of budget funds in conditions of decentralization.Until the start of a new budget period, territorial communities are not able to take advantage of all the financial opportunities provided to united territorial communities. Including receive corresponding revenues to the budget of the united territorial community, as provided for in Article 64 of the Budget Code of Ukraine. And this reduces the budget opportunities of the united territorial community, especially when the union took place at the beginning of the fiscal year. Therefore, it is expedient to allow such associations to be held and in the future, without limiting them only in the framework of 2018, by making appropriate amendments to the current legislation and adding in this part of the Methodology for the formation of capable territorial communities.The territorial community is estimated by the population criterion and the area without taking into account the particulars of the area (the mountainous location, the severity of the availability of particular settlements or parts of the territories), the existing infrastructure on the ground (its degree of development, wear, suitability for use), natural and climatic conditions, etc. Therefore, it is advisable to supplement the Methodology, as well as the Law of Ukraine "On Voluntary Association of Territorial Communities", with norms that would take into account a greater number of factors for the financing needs of territorial communities.The resources available to the territorial communities should be the basis of their activities and the effectiveness of their use will be directly dependent on the possibility of functioning of such communities, on the principle – the lack of resources dictates the need for joining another territorial community. Also, not all territorial communities are fully capable of self-financing, and therefore need support from the State Budget.An important issue is the transfer of powers without their proper funding, which leads to the creation of a significant amount of deficit within the local budgets to cover the use of funds that could be used to develop the territorial communities. Therefore, it is important in the Methodology for the formation of capable territorial communities to consider the mechanism of management of budget funds, which should be based on the appropriate level of financing of delegated powers, without which the execution of such powers or other functions of local self-government may be endangered. Also, during the management of budget funds, it should be possible to borrow all the budgets of local self-government bodies, especially the budgets of the joint territorial communities, which at the expense of the received funds will be able to implement projects that are important for the communities and develop the economies of such communities. At the same time, the restrictions contained in the Budget Code of Ukraine, regarding the financial possibilities of borrowing funds of territorial communities and their use within the budgets of development should be kept.There is a legal framework for involving civil society organizations in the consideration of budget issues of local self-government and their control by the budget process at the level of territorial communities. However, the Methodology for the formation of capable territorial communities does not provide for the possibility of conducting public financial control over the formation of the budget, primarily through its public discussion, and further control over its implementation by the public and public organizations of such a community. This shortcoming must be corrected by making appropriate additions to this Methodology.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The main new approaches to improving the methodology for managing budget funds in the territorial communities are as follows:– transition to the budget of the united territorial community from the budgets of the territorial communities that united without setting the time frame for such a transition;– management of budget funds in terms of allocating financial support between the budgets of the joint territorial communities, which needs to be improved and taking into account additional factors influencing the need for features of location (in particular landscape), natural and climatic conditions;– management of the budget funds of a territorial community is based on the following key provisions: 1) territorial communities should receive at least 50% (according to the model of European states) from taxes, fees, payments paid on the territory of the community; 2) territorial communities should be self-financing, which, on the one hand, will put them in an effective use of resources, and on the other, create additional incentives for the formation of united territorial communities that will be financially self-sufficient; 3) support from the state budget should be provided on the basis of functions, including social, carried out by the territorial communities, with full financing of these functions;– management of local budgets, which consists of borrowing opportunities for all budgets of local self-government bodies, especially budgets of united territorial communities;– introduction of public control in the field of local budgets, the formation and implementation of the budget of territorial communities.The prospect of further research is the detailed elaboration of the identified ways of improving the methodology of budget funds management and the formation of legislative acts for its implementation.

Author's introductionWhile teaching about racism can be challenging in a number of respects, the concept of 'racism' is not a particularly difficult concept to teach or to learn. Controversies occur primarily over how or when the concept should be applied, rather than over its basic meaning. The situation can be quite different for extensions of the concept of racism, including 'institutional racism' and a variety of other new racisms. It can often be difficult to convey to students, or even to understand oneself, exactly what authors are referring to by such terms. Addressing how or why the terms are confusing and controversial can potentially add to the confusion and controversy. While I have suggested in the past that a clear understanding of institutional racism will involve understanding the confusions or controversies surrounding the term, this type of pedagogy is not always effective or appreciated. Instructors should carefully consider whether to address institutional racism in undergraduate courses, and if so, how to make the course material as accessible as possible, including time for fielding questions. My own coverage of institutional racism with undergraduates has been motivated in part because textbooks raise the issue in such a manner as appeals to some students, but without effectively defining and explaining the meaning and significance of the term.In my experience, it is very helpful to illustrate the institutional nature of institutional racism with a variety of examples of social institutions which are implicated in reproducing racial inequality (e.g., institutions associated with criminal justice, with education, and with real estate). It is also very helpful to emphasize that institutional racism is claimed most often when no direct racism is apparent. Although slavery was a racist institution, references to institutional racism frequently mean to draw attention to more indirect forms of racism, in contemporary society. Although institutional leaders or staff may be racist, many authors distinguish between the problem of individual racism in institutional contexts ('bad apples') and the problem of institutional racism, which is more subtle and more pervasive. So the concept 'institutional racism' is frequently meant to refer to something more specific than racist institutions, and also something more specific than racism within institutions, getting at the role of many social institutions in the reproduction of racial inequality by means that can appear quite professional and race‐neutral and impersonal.It is important to emphasize to students that they look in any particular source for what the author has to say about the meaning and significance of the term 'institutional racism', or related terms for new racisms. Unfortunately, many authors can employ such terms without clearly addressing their meaning or significance. For students who are up to the challenge, it can be quite effective to start by distinguishing the conventional individualist understanding of racism as a type of belief or motive, from institutional disparate impact by race, the latter defined simply in terms of an institution's unequal racial outcomes (unequal graduation rates, unequal arrest rates, etc.). While institutional disparate impact can be caused by racism, in the conventional sense of racist beliefs or motives, there are other potential explanations for institutional disparate impact on racial minorities, whether in terms of social attributes which can be highly correlated with race, such as family wealth, or in terms of differential rates of behavior across racial categories, as is the case with robbery in the contemporary USA (as acknowledged by a variety of critical race scholars, in light of pronounced statistical differences). Once one has communicated that institutional disparate impact by race may be, but is not necessarily, caused by racist beliefs or motives among institutional leadership or staff, the concept of institutional racism can be introduced. Essentially, the concept of institutional racism is defined in such a manner, for example, by reference to racial inequalities in institutional outcomes, as to blur the distinctions between racism and disparate impact. In this way, institutional disparate impact is reconceived as a new type of racism, putting aside questions about what is going on in the institutions to produce disparate impact, and frequently dismissing appearances of professional personnel and color‐blind policies as misleading or irrelevant. For courses in the social sciences and in law, especially, it can be very effective to suggest that many important questions about the nature of the people and the processes which produce disparate impacts are displaced by the way institutional racism is defined or inferred. By contrast, social science should be interested in studying what is going on in these institutions to produce or reproduce racial inequalities for citizens or clients, and legal scholarship should be asking about legal standards of proof, which often address questions of intent which are not addressed by claims of institutional racism.Focus questionsWhat does 'institutional racism' mean?How is 'institutional racism' different from more conventional and older understandings of racism?Is the term 'institutional racism' useful for the purposes of social criticism?Is the term 'institutional racism' useful for the purposes of social science?Author recommendsCarmichael, Stokely and Charles Hamilton. 1967. Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America. New York, NY: Random House.This is the original inspiration of the institutional racism literature and influential more generally on the literature addressing 'new racisms', especially the first chapter, which remains an engaging and relevant discussion despite being dated in some respects.Cashmore, Ellis. 1996. Dictionary of Race and Ethnic Relations 4th ed. New York, NY: Routledge.This provides succinct entries on a variety of relevant terms, including a very respectable entry on 'institutional racism'. It is potentially useful for students and/or as reference material for course/lecture preparation.Feagin, Joe, and Clairece Feagin. 1986. Discrimination American Style: Institutional Racism and Sexism 2nd ed. Malabar, FL: Krieger.This work addresses both institutional racism and sexism, and with substantial discussion of multiple institutional contexts. The second chapter, on institutionalized discrimination, provides one of the most sophisticated social–scientific statements on institutional racism.Leach, Colin. 2005. 'Against the Notion of a "New Racism" '. Journal of Community and Applied Social Psychology 15: 432–445.This article smartly challenges the conventional wisdom that there is a marked historical discontinuity between 'old racism' and 'new racism', and also goes beyond the conventional focus on one national context, suggesting the need for a more historically informed and comparative understanding of racism.Marger, Martin. 2007. Social Inequality: Patterns and Processes 4th ed. McGraw Hill.This textbook provides coverage of social inequality generally, including relations between different social dimensions of inequality. There are two chapters covering racial/ethnic differentiation and racial/ethnic stratification. Importantly, this text covers issues which go well beyond race but are essential for understanding racial inequality, such as stratification and social mobility, and ideology and the legitimation of inequality. Marger's coverage is noteworthy for being both accessible in style and reliable in substance. McGraw Hill can customize textbooks as well through Primis Online (e.g., by publishing versions with only the chapters you will assign, or mixing selected content from different textbooks; e.g., from Marger's text and Newman's text discussed below), often with significant savings, making it more practical to assign readings from multiple sources.Miles, Robert. 1989. Racism. New York, NY: Routledge.This succinct book includes one of the most notable critical discussions of the concept 'institutional racism', as well as providing an important critical perspective linking racism to class relations and capitalism.Newman, David. 2007. Identities and Inequalities: Exploring the Intersections of Race, Class, Gender and Sexuality. New York: McGraw‐Hill.This is a noteworthy textbook in social inequalities, with a discussion of institutional discrimination (pp. 181–184) which is substantive but accessible for undergraduates.Smith, Robert. 1995. Racism in the Post‐Civil Rights Era: Now You See It, Now You Don't. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.Smith provides one of the more sustained and thoughtful discussions of institutional racism in the last generation of scholarship, including crucial attention to matters of class as well as race, and examples across many institutional contexts in the USA.Tonry, Michael. Malign Neglect: Race, Crime, and Punishment in America. 1995. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.This book may be of interest as illustrating a critical analysis of institutional disparate impact upon racial minorities, in a manner that attends to important questions of policy analysis frequently overlooked in the 'new racism' literature. Tonry suggests, for example, that the disparate impact of US criminal justice policies upon African Americans is often due more to malign neglect than purposeful discrimination. In this manner, Tonry attends to the same type of problem identified in the new racism literature, namely institutional disparate impact upon racial minorities, but with more attention to what drives institutional policies and practices, and how exactly the relevant institutions and policymakers might be culpable even if racial disparate impact is unintentional. Such an analysis arguably makes for more illuminating, compelling and constructive critical analysis.Video resourcesThe Public Broadcasting Service sells a three‐part documentary from California Newsreel titled 'Race: The Power of an Illusion.' The first 'volume' deals especially with the science of racial categories, the second with American history and society through the 19th century, and the third with 20th century American history and society. Each is just under 1 hour in length. The series is complemented by a very useful companion website (see below) which includes transcripts of the videos, among many other resources. The third 'volume', while not addressing the concept of institutional racism specifically, provides a very accessible and effective lesson about the relevance of race for understanding social inequality in recent US history and society. For purposes of addressing institutional racism, specifically, course instructors may want to build on the third video's coverage of the correlation between racial and class inequalities, including the inter‐generational reproduction of inequalities. This would be an opportunity to discuss the many social disadvantages related to class position and family wealth, and whether disadvantages of an economic nature, which apply to many poor whites and don't apply to many middle class blacks, are examples of 'institutional racism'. Specific institutions and institutional policies are also illustrated, especially immigration and citizenship laws which affected, e.g., South Asian and Japanese immigrants to the USA, and financial and real estate practices of red‐lining and blockbusting, and to a lesser extent 'urban renewal', which have affected African Americans. With respect to real estate, the third video facilitates a discussion comparing different types of racial disadvantage associated with quite different institutional contexts, including blatant racial exclusion in a large suburban housing development, and a variety of practices (red‐lining, blockbusting, white flight) which can have financial rationales or motives while nevertheless reproducing racial inequalities and segregation.Online materialsMost on‐line materials on institutional racism are useful only as examples of common usage, and are susceptible to the same criticisms noted in the article, 'The Neglected Social Psychology of Institutional Racism'.One useful resource which addresses a variety of issues relevant to racism, although not the issue of institutional racism specifically, is the companion web‐site to the three‐part documentary by California Newsreel, 'Race: The Power of an Illusion', made available by the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS; http://www.pbs.org/race/000_General/000_00‐Home.htm).This site links to a wealth of background readings, which are divided into three categories: science, history, and society, roughly corresponding to the three 'volumes' of the video series, respectively. Generally, readings from the science section can be used to discredit the belief that racial classifications are biological in nature, readings from the history section can be used to instruct students on how to understand racial classifications as historical and social constructions of a political, legal, and ideological nature, and readings in the society section can be used to illustrate the role of a variety of American institutions in causing and perpetuating racial inequality, above and beyond issues of individual racism.Note
* Correspondence address: Kent State University. Email: tjberard@alumni.reed.edu

The main message of this report is that if Kazakhstan wants to take advantage of global integration and diversification opportunities, the government needs to improve its trade policy framework, its management, and its regulations. It is also finalizing accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) while its trade strategy includes a number of free trade agreements to be negotiated. It is an active member of the Central Asia Region Economic Cooperation (CAREC). This report is composed of three policy notes that discuss how to improve the trade policy framework, management, and regulations: note one is on the trade policy framework and recommends joining the WTO on a tariff schedule that is more liberal than Russia's; note two postulates that to benefit more fully from the WTO membership and future regional or bilateral agreements, the institutional framework for trade policy management will need a clearer strategic vision, better coordination within the government and with private sector, and enhanced human capacity; and note three suggests that for the private sector to benefit from global integration and diversification, the government should ease the burden of regulations that affect trade (non-tariff measures (NTMs)).

Water, as a resource, is integral to human activities of all kinds. The water sector, as a society's means of ensuring individuals have sufficient water is fundamental to recovery and development. While designing and implementing water supply operations in any societal context is a complicated endeavor, doing so in contexts affected by conflict, fragility and violence is inherently associated with compounded challenges. The objective of this study is to summarize operational lessons from task teams to inform effective water supply and access operations in conflict-affected and fragile situations. This paper defines common operational challenges and describes actions that task teams have taken in Bank projects in order to address those challenges. Further, the paper explores ways to ensure that water supply projects in fragile and conflict-affected situations (FCS) contexts, in addition to achieving technical objectives, can also address perpetual causes of conflict and fragility. The risks of escalating violence and decreasing stability are exacerbated in situations where access to water resources and services is poor, constrained, inequitable, and unsustainable. This knowledge product summarizes lessons from World Bank task teams that have prepared and implemented water supply projects in locations affected by conflict, fragility and violence. The findings intend to support operational problem-solving during water operations that are conducted in these situations. The study engaged task team members and surveyed project documentation, consolidating data on contextual and operational challenges and responsive methods that staff recommend. The findings of this study show that clear priorities in process and organizational capacity, with a focus on access, are needed to ensure that water supply operations in FCS contexts are conflict-sensitive.

The thesis provides a complex analysis of the technologies of political marketing in the activities of political parties. Theoretical and methodological basis of research of problem fields are identified and patterns of formation and development of political marketing in political science are defined. The aim of the research was to determine the patterns of political marketing in Ukraine and specifics use of marketing techniques in political parties. The differences of scientific categories «marketing technologies of political party» and «technologies of political marketing» which are using by political parties are highlighted. The marketing technologies of political parties is meant as the totality of methods and means for promoting political products. The technologies of political marketing are defined as a set of practices in creating, maintaining and developing political relations between political actors by using political market products.According to the marketing strategy of positioning the Ukrainian political parties and key party product (ideology / «package of programs» / image ideology) the essence of technologies of political marketing that are used by political parties in their work, namely in design of party image, definition of party people, naming, creating ideological platform, design of party symbols and branding, are singled out in the research. Delimitation between scientific categories «party goods» and «party brand» is proposed. The term «party brand» provides for rooting in the public consciousness, symbolic content, emotional load and is the possibility to combine in itself few political goods. Party brand as result of political marketing is interpreted by the author as a unique offer of specific political party. Acquisition of traits of this unique offer in the marketing party strategy helps to create lasting image and form stable political reputation on the market. The author emphasized that the party proposals are updated by the election campaigns because the main function of political parties is electoral and the essence of parties is defined as organizations designed to gain and exercise of state power. Elections as a concentrated expression of the political market is a mechanism of legitimation of power to political parties. It is proposed the author's synthesis of areas of general marketing principles and Jean Baudrillard's concept of postmodern. It allowed investigating features of political marketing at essentially new level: the change from rational forms of symbolization to branding and sensory-emotional forms of symbolic exchange.It is proved that to the forefront of the political market political product should get, efficiency which is due not so much situational expectations as authentic mental peculiarities of the people combined with the current trends of global political market.The author identified four stages of political marketing in Ukraine that are determined by the characteristics of the party and electoral systems, the level of competition on the political market, the choice of means and methods of party activity:- stage of nucleation of political market (1991–1997);- stage of formation and development of political marketing technologies (1998–2003);- stage of amplification technologizing and virtualization election campaigns (2004–2009);- stage of expansion of technologies and their diversity (from 2010 – till now).It is substantiated that using of technologies of political marketing in the activities of political parties leads to the changes in their form and content, demonstrates successful participation of the same party in three electoral cycles, which is the evidence of party's institutionalization. As a result, specific partypolitical structuring from atomized to systems of almost large parties took place. In this regard, necessity to create brands in the party-political space of modern Ukraine, that driven by the desire of parties to ensure strategic planning for political product in the long term, is argued. The author proved dependence of dynamics of political marketing technologies in the activities of political parties with correlation between the type of party system, electoral law and the polarization of Ukrainian society.In the research, it is stressed that in the election campaigns in the late XX - XXI centuries in Ukraine ideological factor plays less important role than in the elections early 1990s. The current electoral process is not a competition of ideologies but a competition of symbols which main task is to engage to the side of the candidate a significant number of voters. The features of party proposals during parliamentary campaigns 2012, 2014 is analysed. The specific of personal factors and party imaging products in the design of the brand party is revealed. It is emphasized that party products and brands are the carriers of information. For example, names of political parties not only provide for information about specific political party, but about the laws of functioning of the political life in Ukrainian society, political power, the level of political culture.The role of the names and symbols of Ukrainian political parties is found out. It is concluded that by using symbolic form political party decrypts the meaning of the name, identifies itself ideologically, recalls the essence of their programmatic objectives, says the goal of the current campaign and immediate tasks. The content invested in party symbols is revealed. The author analyses its colours, which are powerful way of manipulating the human psyche. It is proved that the party proposals acquire symbolic and cease to carry a meaning and be based on real public demand. Political symbols become tools of manipulation and suggestion of populist ideas. On the one hand, it brings instant benefits to political parties, but on the other - leads to a decline in political culture and civic activity. The research substantiated that for design of effective symbolism must consider the level of political culture of the electorate, traditions, level of political education, voter mentality. It is emphasized that Ukrainian society tend to personalize perception of political power, which reduces the totality of power relations to a figure of specific political leader. The author highlighted that political parties are mass political organizations in which leadership can be distributed among several politicians.It was found that the challenges in 2014 led to new tendencies in the party system in Ukraine, namely the enhancing the process creation of parties, also inclusion in party lists ATO members, civil society activists, journalists, volunteers. It was due to public demand for «new faces», new alliances between political forces. A high level of personalization for Ukrainian politics connected primarily with the fact that most voters are not able to make a political choice, based on their own real interests. Ordinary citizens associate realization their life aspirations and dreams with the active leader of political force who is trying to act as a hero, a saviour. It is accentuated attention that political parties do not compete for the effective implementation of social development programs, but compete for the distribution of power. In their activities, profitable for a narrow circle of persons, but not national interests are dominated. Populism and excessive social orientation of the election programs of political parties are typical characteristics of modern political market in Ukraine.It is concluded that during the current transitional period the domestic party market has not reached a level that would satisfy the needs of society, political goods have not met the expectations and hopes. They are made without targeting consumers and based on stereotypical thinking. The party market does not match a model of «free competition», which makes it difficult to promote party products. Political parties are not associated with specific results of which should be designed to meet the most important values and needs of citizens. The research presents practical recommendations to improve political marketing technologies considering domestic political consumer. ; В исследовании осуществлен комплексный анализ технологий политического маркетинга в деятельности политических партий. Определены теоретико-методологические основы исследования проблемного поля, закономерности становления и развития политического маркетинга в политической науке.Выяснены теоретические основы изучения и использования в политической практике технологий политического маркетинга политическими партиями; обобщены и указано на расхождение содержания научных категорий «технологии политического маркетинга» и «маркетинговые технологии политической партии».Согласно маркетинговой стратегии позиционирования украинских политических партий и ключевого партийного продукта, предложено систематизировать технологии, которые используют политические партии в своей деятельности: конструирование имиджа партии; нейминг (разработка названия политической партии); определение бренд-персон политической партии; создание идеологической платформы и формирования программы партии; разработка дизайна партийной символики и рекламной продукции; партийный брендинг.Предложена целесообразность сочетания основ общего маркетинга и постмодернистской концепции Ж. Бодрийяра, что позволило исследовать особенности технологий политического маркетинга на принципиально новом уровне: замена рациональных форм символизации имиджевыми и чувственно-эмоциональными формами символического обмена.Обосновано, что на первый план партийного рынка должен выйти политический продукт, дееспособность которого обусловливается не столько ситуационными ожиданиями граждан, сколько аутентичными ментальными особенностями народа в сочетании с актуальными тенденциями мирового политического рынка. Указано на различия научных категорий «партийный товар» и «партийный бренд», суть последнего заключается в его укорененности в массовом сознании, символическом наполнении, эмоциональной нагрузке и возможности объединять в себе несколько политических товаров.Выделены четыре этапа динамики украинского политико-партийного рынка в условиях независимости. Обосновано, что использование технологий политического маркетинга в деятельности политических партий приводит к изменению их формы и содержания, демонстрируя успешное выступление одной и той же партийной силы в течение трех электоральных циклов, что свидетельствует о партийной институционализации, и обусловливает определенное партийно-политическое структурирование от авторизированной к системе почти крупных политических партий.Раскрыта специфика персонального фактора и визуализации партийных продуктов в конструировании бренда партии. Проанализированы особенности партийных предложений парламентских кампаний 2012, 2014 гг. Доказано, что в условиях нынешнего переходного периода отечественный партийный рынок не достиг того уровня, который бы удовлетворял потребности общества, политические товары не соответствуют ожиданиям и надеждам, создаются без ориентации на потребителя, базируются на стереотипном мышлении. ; У дослідженні здійснено комплексний аналіз технологій політичного маркетингу в діяльності політичних партій. Визначено теоретико- методологічні засади дослідження проблемного поля, закономірності становлення та розвитку політичного маркетингу в політичній науці. Метою дисертаційного дослідження було з'ясування закономірності розвитку політичного маркетингу в Україні та специфіку використання маркетингових технологій у діяльності політичних партій. Виділено розбіжності змісту наукових категорій: «маркетингові технології політичної партії» і «технології політичного маркетингу», що використовують політичні партії. Під маркетинговими технологіями політичних партій розуміється сукупність прийомів і засобів просування політичних продуктів, а технології політичного маркетингу визначаються як сукупність практик створення, підтримки та розвитку політичних взаємовідносин між акторами політичного ринку за допомогою політичних продуктів.Згідно маркетингової стратегії позиціонування українськими політичними партіями та ключового партійного продукту (ідеологія / «пакет програм» / іміджева ідеологія), у дослідженні виокремлено та розкрито зміст технологій політичного маркетингу, які використовують політичні партії у своїй діяльності, а саме: неймінг, конструювання іміджу партії, визначення партійних персон, створення ідеологічної платформи, розробка дизайну партійної символіки, брендинг. Запропоновано розмежовувати наукові категорії «партійного товару» та «партійного бренду», зміст останнього полягає в його вкоріненості у масовій свідомості, символічному наповненні, емоційному навантаженні та можливості об'єднувати у собі декілька політичних товарів. Партійний бренд, як результат політичного маркетингу, тлумачиться автором як своєрідна унікальна пропозиція конкретної політичної партії. Набуття її ознак в маркетинговій стратегії партії сприяє створенню довготривалого іміджу, формуванню її стабільної репутації на політичному ринку. Автором наголошено, що партійні пропозиції актуалізуються виборчими кампаніями, бо головна функція політичних партій – електоральна – визначається самою сутністю їх як організацій, призначених для завоювання й здійснення державної влади. Саме вибори як концентроване вираження політичного ринку є механізмом легітимації влади для політичної партії.Запропоновано доцільність поєднання основ загального маркетингу та постмодерністської концепції Ж. Бодрійяра, що дозволило дослідити особливості технологій політичного маркетингу на принципово новому рівні: заміна раціональних форм символізації іміджевими та чуттєво- емоційними формами символічного обміну. Доведено, що на перший план партійного ринку повинен вийти політичний продукт, дієздатність якого обумовлюється не стільки ситуаційними очікуваннями громадян, скільки аутентичними ментальними особливостями народу в поєднанні з актуальними тенденціями світового політичного ринку.Виокремлено чотири етапи політичного маркетингу в діяльності політичних партій України, які визначаються особливостями партійної та виборчої систем, рівнем конкуренції на політичному ринку, вибором засобів і методів партійної діяльності:- етап зародження політичного ринку (1991–1997 рр.);- етап формування та розвитку технологій політичного маркетингу (1998–2003 рр.);- етап посилення технологізації та віртуалізації передвиборчих кампаній (2004–2009 рр.);- етап розширення технологій та їх урізноманітнення (з 2010 р. – по теперішній час).Обґрунтовано, що використання технологій політичного маркетингу у діяльності політичних партій призводить до зміни їх форми і змісту, демонструючи успішний виступ однієї і тієї ж партійної сили протягом трьох електоральних циклів, що є свідченням партійної інституціоналізації, та обумовлює певне партійно-політичне структурування: від атомізованої до майже системи крупних партій. Можна говорити про певні перспективи щодо стабілізації української партійної системи: маємо зменшення фрагментації партійної системи у поєднанні зі зростанням ролі партійних організацій. У зв'язку з цим аргументовано необхідність створення брендів у партійно-політичному просторі сучасної Україні, щ обумовлюється прагненням партій до забезпечення стратегічного планування політичного продукту на довгострокову перспективу. Доведена залежність динаміки розвитку технологій політичного маркетингу в діяльності політичних партій від кореляції між типом партійної системи, виборчим законодавством і поляризацією українського суспільства.У роботі підкреслено, що у виборних кампаніях кінця ХХ – початку ХХІ ст. в Україні ідеологічний чинник відіграє менше значення, ніж на виборах початку 1990-х років. Сучасний виборчий процес – це змагання не ідеологій, а символів, основним завданням яких є залучати на сторону кандидата значну кількість виборців. Проаналізовано особливості партійних пропозицій парламентських кампаній 2012, 2014 рр. Розкрито специфіку персонального чиннику та візуалізації партійних продуктів у конструюванні бренду партії. Наголошено, що партійні товари та бренди є носіями інформації. Наприклад, назви політичних партій дають відомості не тільки про конкретну політичну силу, а й про закономірності функціонування політичного життя українського суспільства, політичної влади, рівень політичної культури. З'ясовано роль назви та символіки українських політичних партій. Зроблено висновок, що через символічні форми політична партія розшифровує значення своєї назви, ідеологічно ідентифікує себе, нагадує про суть своїх програмових завдань, заявляє про мету поточної кампанії і найближчі цілі. Розкрито зміст, вкладений в партійну символіку. Аналізується її колірна гама, яка є потужним засобом маніпулювання людської психіки.Доведено, що партійні пропозиції набувають символічності та перестають нести у собі смислове навантаження, спиратися на реальний суспільний попит. Політичні символи стають інструментами маніпулювання та навіювання популістських ідей, що, з одного боку, приносить миттєву вигоду політичним партіям, з іншого – веде до зниження рівня політичної культури та громадської активності. У дослідженні обґрунтовано, що при розробці ефективної символіки необхідно враховувати рівень політичної культури електорату, традиції, рівень політичної освіченості, менталітет виборця.Наголошено, що для українського суспільства притаманне персоніфіковане сприйняття політичної влади, яке редукує всю сукупність владних відносин до фігури конкретного політичного лідера. Підкреслено, що політичні партії – це масові політичні організації, в яких лідерство може бути розподілено серед кількох політиків. З'ясовано, що виклики 2014 р. призвели до нових тенденцій у партійній системі України, а саме активізації процесу партієтворення, включення у партійні списки учасників АТО, громадських активістів, журналістів, волонтерів, що було зумовлено суспільним запитом на «нові обличчя», створення нових союзів між політичними силами. Характерний високий рівень персоніфікації для української політики пов'язується, насамперед, з тим, що більшість не здатна здійснити політичний вибір, що заснований на їх власних реальних інтересах. Пересічні громадяни пов'язують втілення своїх життєвих сподівань та мрій з політичною активністю лідера сили, який намагається виступати в ролі героя, рятівника. Акцентовано увагу, що політичні партії змагаються не за втілення ефективніших програм розвитку суспільства, а за розподіл владних повноважень; у їх діяльності переважають вузькопартійні, а не загальнонаціональні інтереси. Популізм, надмірна соціальна орієнтованість передвиборчих програм політичних партій – типова характеристика сучасного політичного ринку України.Зроблено висновок, що за умов нинішнього перехідного періоду, вітчизняний партійний ринок не досяг того рівня, який би задовольняв потреби суспільства, політичні товари не відповідають очікуванням та надіям, створюються без орієнтації на споживача, базуються на стереотипному мисленні. Партійний ринок не відповідає моделі «вільної конкуренції», що зумовлює труднощі просування на ньому партійних продуктів. Партії не асоціюються з конкретними результатами діяльності, що мають бути спрямовані на задоволення найбільш значимих цінностей, потреб громадян.У роботі запропоновано практичні рекомендації щодо вдосконалення технологій політичного маркетингу з урахуванням споживача вітчизняного політичного товару.

This paper develops a framework to assess organizational performance in the delivery of social safety nets. Specifically, it provides guidance to task teams and program managers for identifying indicators of governance and service quality in targeted cash transfer programs. The paper identifies governance issues along the results chain of service delivery and suggests policy and performance indicators for assessing program inputs, human resources, financing and resource management; and program activities, operational procedures, Management Information Systems (MIS) and control. It also suggests indicators of organizational performance and the quality of outputs, including demand-side accountability mechanisms.