Suchergebnisse

Post-Eurocrisis, normative debates on democracy in the European Union have seen a revival of democratic intergovernmentalism. This article questions not the substantive proposals put forward under the heading of democratic intergovernmentalism, but the theory-building strategy typically used to justify these proposals. It argues that democratic intergovernmentalism theories fail to sufficiently theorise the connection between normative principles and political practice, over-emphasising the former at the expense of the latter. Citizens are thereby relegated to passive recipients of normative standards thought to be independently valid. Providing an alternative to this view, the article then advances a contestation-based account of democracy in the European Union where the central unit of analysis is the agents who propose particular interpretations of what democracy in the European Union means and what institutional reforms need be taken, in domestic and transnational public spheres.

Durante la última década, la Unión Europea ha protagonizado una práctica de cierta relevancia en la aplicación de medidas restrictivas como respuesta a vulneraciones graves de los derechos humanos cometidas en un buen número de Estados, y más en particular en los países del Mediterráneo meridional; en concreto, en esta región destacan los casos de Libia y de Siria. Más recientemente, la Unión Europea se ha dotado de un mecanismo selectivo de aplicación de medidas restrictivas de carácter temático u horizontal, específicamente diseñado para hacer frente a las vulneraciones graves de los derechos humanos, que ya ha sido puesto en práctica respecto de unas dos decenas de personas físicas y jurídicas y entidades, incluidas dos personas físicas responsables de tales abusos en Libia. Se trata, en ambos supuestos, del recurso a medidas de retorsión y contramedidas descentralizadas admitidas por el Derecho Internacional general, dirigidas a conseguir el cese y la reparación –en interés de los beneficiarios de la obligación violada-- de las violaciones graves de los derechos humanos. La Unión Europea asume así en su acción exterior un papel de potencia normativa comprometida con la promoción y el respeto de los derechos humanos, aunque con evidentes dobles estándares o diferentes raseros a la hora de hacer uso de tales medidas restrictivas. En este sentido, cabe demandar que, en los próximos años, la UE desarrolle una acción exterior más coherente y uniforme en la aplicación de medidas restrictivas como respuesta a vulneraciones graves de los derechos humanos. Tanto a nivel universal, como más en particular, en sus relaciones con los Estados de su vecindario meridional, cuya estabilidad política, económica y social es de fundamental importancia para la UE. ; Over the last decade, the European Union has been engaged in a practice of some relevance in the application of restrictive measures in response to serious human rights violations committed in a number of states, and more particularly in the countries of the southern Mediterranean; in this region, the cases of Libya and Syria in particular stand out. More recently, the EU has established a targeted mechanism of thematic or horizontal restrictive measures, specifically designed to address serious human rights violations, which has already been implement against some two dozen natural and legal persons and entities, including two individuals responsible for such violations in Libya. In both cases, it is a matter of resorting to measures of retorsion and decentralized countermeasures admitted by general international law, aimed at achieving the cessation and reparation –in the interest of the beneficiaries of the obligation breached- of serious human rights violations. In its external action, the European Union thus assumes the role of a normative power committed to promoting and respecting human rights, albeit with evident double standards or different standards when deciding to use such restrictive measures. On this point, the EU is request to develop in the coming years a more coherent and uniform external action in the application of restrictive measures in response to serious human rights violations. Both at a universal level and, more particularly, in its relations with the states in its southern neighbourhood, whose political, economic and social stability is of fundamental importance to the EU. ; Este trabajo forma parte de las actividades de investigación desarrolladas en el marco del proyecto de investigación, concedido por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, "El respeto de los derechos humanos y la actividad exterior de las empresas españolas: retos y respuestas desde el Derecho Internacional" (PID2019-107311RB-I00); y del Centro de Excelencia Jean Monnet "Inter-University for European Studies of the University of Alicante: The European Union and the Mediterranean" (619838-EPP-1-2020-ES-EPPJMO-CoE).

This paper discusses the design of tax systems in developing countries, with particular emphasis on low-income countries. It outlines the directions of reform that many lowincome countries have followed, often on the advice of the IMF or the World Bank, and considers whether they are justified in terms of theory and the practical constraints in low-income countries. Discussion of tax theory shows that there are sound reasons for much of the tax reform advice that is given, but it provides rather little support for the policy of full tax neutrality that is frequently recommended for developing countries. However, there are also serious political economy arguments against tax nonuniformity. The paper therefore concludes that the design of tax policy must also consider the strength of institutions and the rule of law. – taxation ; fiscal policy

The International Bureau of the Universal Postal Union (UPU) was notified in Demember 1962 that, due to the Chinese invasion and the consequent national emergency, India could not host the fifteenth Universal Postal Congress which had been scheduled to open on March 1, 1963, in New Delhi. On January 17, 1963, the Director of the International Bureau, Mr. Weber, received from the Austrian government an official invitation to hold the fifteenth Congress in Vienna in June 1964.

Abstract
The research background of the paper covers the development of a country, that can be measured in various ways. Simple indicators, like GDP and also complex indicators such as HDI (human development index), can be used to measure country development. However, usually countries are divided into groups via setting some arbitrary levels of final measure. What is more, the composite (complex) indices have some problems and errors.

The main purpose of the paper is the assessment of the development of the selected European OECD countries with the application of the linear ordering and ensemble clustering of symbolic data as well as comparison of the ensemble clustering with a single model.

Research methodology covers linear ordering with the application of multidimensional scaling for a visualisation of results and ensemble clustering for symbolic data.

The results are compared according to adjusted Rand and silhouette indices. The obtained results show that ensemble clustering for symbolic data can be a useful tool in country development analysis and allows reaching better results than a single model.

The novelty of the proposed approach is to use a cluster analysis to obtain the clusters of countries with similar variables' values (indicators of development) and the application of multidimensional scaling for symbolic data in order to visualise linear ordering results.

Multiculturalism is an established feature of the UK and other European States since the establishment of the Treaty of Rome in 1959. Enlargement has brought EU membership from six (1952) to twenty eight members since its foundation, and allowed free migration across its borders. However, many countries, in spite of agreements to adhere to 'democratic' practices, deny minority citizens their full rights, particularly in education contexts. Some recent accession EU States have education systems that are less adaptive to expected policy responsibilities. It is a more unstable aspect of Eastern Europe because of the failure of many of these countries to reduce social and educational inequalities and to establish rights for minority groups, particularly the Roma. An educational focus is used as a platform to highlight issues re the segregation, and discrimination against, Roma children in Europe, typically through the use of special education, which is not suitable for them. Europe generally, both East and West has failed to fully integrate the Roma. Often, institutional blame is placed on Roma communities, rather than situate them socially and economically due to ingrained structural inequalities. Stereotyped categories are often used to 'label' them. Countries with high Roma populations, four in Western and five in Eastern Europe are evaluated and compared in relation to the education of Roma children.

Multiculturalism is an established feature of the UK and other European States since the establishment of the Treaty of Rome in 1959. Enlargement has brought EU membership from six (1952) to twenty eight members since its foundation, and allowed free migration across its borders. However, many countries, in spite of agreements to adhere to 'democratic' practices, deny minority citizens their full rights, particularly in education contexts. Some recent accession EU States have education systems that are less adaptive to expected policy responsibilities. It is a more unstable aspect of
Eastern Europe because of the failure of many of these countries to reduce social and educational inequalities and to establish rights for minority groups, particularly the Roma. An educational focus is used as a platform to highlight issues
re the segregation, and discrimination against, Roma children in Europe, typically through the use of special education, which is not suitable for them. Europe generally, both East and West has failed to fully integrate the Roma. Often, institutional blame is placed on Roma communities, rather than situate them socially and economically due to ingrained structural inequalities. Stereotyped categories are often used to 'label' them. Countries with high Roma populations, four in Western and five in Eastern Europe are evaluated and compared in relation to the education of Roma children. (author's abstract)

The purpose of this research project is to study the changes in overall welfare for citizens of developing countries after trade agreements have been made. The study focuses on 3 periods: the pre-agreement, transition, and post-agreement phases. Over these periods we measure the changes in quality of life for the country in question through indicators such as median household income, primary education enrollment rates, gender equality, and freedom of speech. Our primary countries of interest include: Chile, Turkey, Morocco, and Tunisia. Although most of our work is qualitative in nature, creating a narrative is the foundation towards quantitative analysis. The goal is to connect specific events relating to legislation, elections, and entrance into economic unions in a causal manner, to see the effects these events have on the overall welfare of the country's citizens.