Suchergebnisse

Nous cherchons à évaluer quantitativement l'importance relative du régionalisme et des classes sociales pour expliquer la culture politique canadienne. Notre analyse repose sur un sondage national fait en 1977 auprès de quelque 3,300 personnes. Les recherches jusqu'à maintenant démontrent que les différences régionales sont plus importantes que les différences de classe. Une telle conclusion repose, selon nous, sur une base empirique insuffisante. La plupart de ces recherches utilise une définition inappropriée des classes sociales et a recours à une conception trop étroite de la culture politique, celle-ci est, en effet, réduite au comportement électoral, au sentiment de compétence, à la confiance et à la participation. Cette conception de la culture politique ne tient pas compte, par exemple, des attitudes relatives aux mesures sociales, aux syndicats et à la répartition des revenus. Au surplus la nation québécoise est traitée tout simplement comme l'une des cinq régions du Canada.Notre recherche repose et sur les « indices » traditionnels des classes sociales (profession, instruction et revenu), et sur une typologie marxiste tirée de l'ouvrage de Wright. Elle analyse plusieurs aspects de la culture politique dont l'orientation partisane et les attitudes à l'égard des institutions politiques. Nos données nous apportent trois conclusions: (a) les différences entre les classes sociales sont plus grandes que les différences régionales quant au sentiment de compétence, quant à la participation et quant aux attitudes face à une série de mesures politiques; (b) par ailleurs le régionalisme marque l'orientation partisane et l'attachement au régime; (c) la culture politique québécoise est différente de la culture politique canadienne. Nous pensons donc qu'il y a lieu de réévaluer le rôle des classes sociales et du régionalisme dans l'analyse de la culture politique canadienne.

This volume offers an up-to-date overview of the much-debated issue of how a democracy may defend itself against those who want to subvert it. The justifications, effectiveness and legal implications of militant democracy are discussed by addressing questions as: How can militant democracy measures such as party bans be justified? Why is it that some democracies ban antidemocratic parties? Does militant democracy succeed in combatting right-wing extremism? And is militant democracy evolving into an internationalized legal and political concept? Bringing together experts and perspectives from political science, law and philosophy, this volume advances our understanding of the current threats to democracy, a political system once thought almost invincible. It is especially timely in the light of the rise of illiberal democracy in the EU, the increasingly authoritarian rule in Turkey, the steady shift to autocracy in Russia and the remarkable election of Trump in the US.

Courts and commentators have often sourced the political question doctrine in Article III, a repository of other separation-of-powers doctrines applicable to the federal courts. Rucho v. Common Cause, a blockbuster political question case decided in 2019, explicitly tied the doctrine to Article III. But the historical development of the doctrine undermines the depth of that connection. Further, sourcing the doctrine in Article III leads to some very odd effects, including leaving state courts free to answer federal political questions. This Article argues that the source of the political question doctrine is in substantive law, not in Article III. Such an orientation helps explain a number of puzzling attributes of the doctrine, including why federal courts retain jurisdiction over political question cases, why state courts must follow the federal political question doctrine, and why some political questions can be delegated back to the courts. Refocusing the political question doctrine on substantive law, rather than on Article III, helps better allocate power among federal courts, state courts, and political branches.

A review essay on a book by Carl Schmitt, Roman Catholicism and Political Form (Ulmen, G. R. [Tr], Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1996 [1923]). This book is interpreted in the context of a 1917 essay by Schmitt, "The Visibility of the Church: A Scholastic Consideration," which takes the position that the world made manifest by the church cannot be separated from the sense of transcendence that animated this institution. As a political form, the church provided a paradigm for the political idea of representation. However, the church was not a model for the European state, because sovereignty within this political form became possible only with the rejection of political community defined by an end-telos. As a modern political thinker, Schmitt understood that the sovereignty of the state was defined by its power to influence, not, as in the Catholic Church, by its subordination of action to ends. Schmitt's owrk is interpreted in the tradition of Thomas Hobbes, who offered a similar analysis of state sovereignty. D. M. Smith

This paper is on elite theory of politics, its application and relevance to Nigeria political system. It is specifically aimed at studying Retired General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida as political elite in Nigeria, his induction into the political elite class and his strategies of maintaining elitist status and control in Nigeria. This paper argues that Babangida's involvement in the coup that brought General Muritala into office signaled his emergence into the political elite class of Nigeria. Furthermore, this paper submits that tactical intelligence and deceitfulness were his primary strategy of maintaining his elitist status and control during his prime as the military head of state in Nigeria

This article discusses how linguistic-combinatory methods can be used to add precision to our understanding of contentious words from the political-cultural field. Eleven English authors' use of the words country and nation has been investigated and the focus is placed on two authors who show an especially frequent use of nation relative to country, Shakespeare and Marie Corelli. It is shown that nation tends to select human negative-emotional lexical companions to a higher degree than country, and that this difference between the two words reflects their original etymological meanings. It is proposed that a more developed test design could be fruitfully used on a larger material.

Departs from the theory of transition to discuss democratization in postauthoritarian Brazil & argue that democratization must involve the political system's submission to control by civil society. It is contended that the theory of transition is insufficient in explaining the Brazilian democratization process. In contrast, it is argued that in Brazil, democratization involved the survival of an influential nondemocratic political culture combined with the demand of ascending social movements for the renewal of political culture. Where the theory of transition presupposes the compatibility of civil & political society in the absence of authoritarianism, it is argued that institutional reform is a result to be achieved through the actions of consciously democratic participants. M. Greenberg

This study analyzed news stories published on the online sites of CNN, Al-Jazeera English, and Sputnik to investigate how the transnational news outlets framed the human suffering associated with the Syrian war. Unlike prior studies that have tended to be based on traditional nation-state paradigms, this research approached the analysis from a cosmopolitan perspective. The findings revealed that in concert with standard journalistic routines and news values, all three news outlets commonly employed a mass death and displacement frame to depict human suffering inside Syria. The adoption of this frame suggests that in telling the story of human suffering, the three media outlets focused on brief facts and shocking statistics without detailed depictions of the human suffering. The meager presence of a cosmopolitan outlook in the news coverage indicates that although transnational media target a global audience with English as Lingua Franca, they cannot be completely independent of geopolitics.

How may one theorise conspiracy theories? The last decade has seen a mushrooming of academic interest in conspiracy theories, perhaps in response to the increased role of conspiratorial thinking in politics in the same period. Using a case study of a private security firm, Blackwater, in Pakistan, this article suggests that while most conspiracy theories may be too linear and hyper-logical to allow for historical contingency and the messy reality of political struggles, it is possible to conceive of some of them as a kind of political imaginary that places national politics within a transnational context in an age where a surfeit of information is matched only by a paucity of relevant information. While the academic literature over the last decade has tended to take the form of conspiracy theories as an important clue to their function in contemporary politics, this article argues for taking the content of conspiracy theories seriously as well. At the same time, it suggests the value of delineating more sharply the concept of 'political imagination'.

"Based upon a report made . at the founding convention of the Communist political association, May 20-23, 1944." ; Mode of access: Internet.