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Argues that Hannah Arendt's understanding of politics, action, & plurality is a profound response to Martin Heidegger's failure to understand the meaning of public life. According to Arendt, the human condition is characterized by a capacity to act & speak, which, in turn, represent opportunities to bring into being something wholly new & unique. Thus, the human condition is, by definition, plural, with individuals acting, speaking, & creating new things. For Arendt, the most important danger of modern bureaucratic social life was the extinction of this plurality in speech & action. It is shown that Arendt comes to this conclusion not simply by borrowing Heidegger's concepts, but by appropriating & inverting them into a new meaning. It is concluded that, while, in a sense, Arendt was faithful to Heidegger in employing his concepts, she was unfaithful by engaging in independent thinking & thinking against him; she used his provocation to provide an acute critique of his work. D. M. Smith

▪ Abstract  Conservation programs for protected areas and plant genetic resources have evolved in similar ways, beginning with a focus on single species and expanding to ecosystem strategies that involve the participation of local people. Anthropologists have described the increasing importance of the participation of local people in conservation programs, both of local populations in protected area management and of farmers in plant genetic resources. Both protected areas and plant genetic resources link local populations, national agencies, and international organizations. Anthropological research (a) documents local knowledge and practices that influence the selection and maintenance of crop varieties and the conservation of rare and endangered species in protected areas, and (b) clarifies the different concerns and definitions of biodiversity held by local populations and international conservationists. In addition, anthropologists operate in nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and international agencies, participating in policy debates and acting as advocates and allies of local populations of farmers and indigenous peoples.

In the pilgrimage season of 1899 a 'small but select' group of Jains met before the temple of the deity Bharamappa near Kolhapur to found the Southern Maharashtra Jain Sabha, thedakṣiṣ mahāraṣṬrajain sabhā.The intended constituency of the Sabha was the Digambar Jain population of the Southern Maratha Country of the Bombay Presidency, the area including Kolhapur State, Belgaum, and Sangli, with their rural hinterlands. The Sabha prospers still, while so many of the other associations in that lush growth of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in India have disappeared. It has been instrumental in forging a Jain ethnicity, in creating a new sense of a specifically Jain past and present, and in fostering new habits of education and of social intercourse among Jains. A good proportion of what is today taken for granted by Jains about southern Digambar samskrti, 'culture' or 'civilization', was moulded by Jains acting in and through the Sabha.

This study examined parents' perceptions of the risk of child sexual abuse and self-reported protective strategies. Qualitative interviews were conducted with a sample of 24 parents of preschool-age children, purposefully selected to be diverse in gender, race/ethnicity, age, and personal experience with sexual abuse victimization. The findings support earlier research showing little congruence between perceptions of risk for the general population and perceptions of personal risk. The qualitative methodology provided some reasons for the discrepancy: comparisons parents make between themselves and other parents, characteristics of sexual abuse that affect perceptions, and the tendency of parents to blur the boundaries of sexual abuse with other forms of victimization. Parents identified strategies they used to protect their children from abuse and their underlying thoughts regarding protection. The exploratory results indicate the importance of understanding parents' cognitive processes in estimating risk and acting protectively and suggest further avenues for research.

DURING AUTUMN 1995 JUDICIAL REVIEW BECAME NEWS IN THE United Kingdom. Tabloid and broadsheet newspapers, radio, television and Parliament provided fora for ministers, Conservative backbench MPs and journalists to debate the apparent growing willingness of the judiciary to intervene in politically contentious government decisions. The tone of the debate was often hostile; sometimes vitriolic. We were told that there was a crisis. According to an editorial in The Times, 'it is tempting to observe a pattern emerging, a potentially alarming hostility between an overmighty executive and an ambitious judiciary'. Radio and television journalists described a situation of 'mutual resentment and suspicion' and 'unprecedented conflict between a Conservative government and the judiciary'. The Daily Express denounced 'the sickness sweeping through the senior judiciary – galloping arrogance' and the Daily Mail accused judges of giving 'the impression – perhaps a false impression, but nevertheless a real one – of acting on a political agenda of their own'.

I shall explore the process by which firms develop their political preferences, using the case of national health reform. Although rising health costs have heavily burdened many companies, I argue that economic interests alone are unable to account for the variation in firm response to the national reform effort. Rather, institutional factors, shown elsewhere to shape government decision making, also influence corporate preferences. These are (1) the institutionalization of private policy expertise within the firm, (2) firm participation in policy groups, and (3) policy legacies. These findings challenge conventional views of business political mobilization that suggest largely autonomous agents acting on the basis of easily recognized self-interests. Preference formation and corporate mobilization transpire in collective settings as a new stratum of corporate policy managers search for solutions to social problems. The primacy of economic concerns is very real. But institutional analysis explains how these economic concerns are interpreted and acted upon.

SummaryThe hypothesis that psychological stress during early childhood leads to advanced reproductive maturation was assessed using data from the California Childhood Health and Development Study. Regression analyses failed to indicate that bed wetting, nightmares or thumb-sucking at age 5 predict age at menarche, regardless of controls for mother's age at menarche. Among socioeconomic variables suggested as contextual stressors measured at age 9–11 only mother's education was a significant predictor of daughter's age at menarche, though its effect is trivial compared to mother's age at menarche. Path analysis on a subsample of the subjects failed to demonstrate the hypothesised indirect effect of mother's age at menarche on daughter's age at menarche acting through early marriage and marital dissolution. These results cast doubt on the theory that early childhood stress is the key to divergent reproductive strategies among females based on the timing of reproductive maturation.

AbstractManagement buyouts (MBOs) have become increasingly popular in Britain in recent years and although much has been written about the motivation of the acquiring managers‐entrepreneurs and the sources of finance for the buyouts the reasons behind the sale of the firms through this process have remained unexplored. In this article, the main reasons for MBOs taking place are considered. It is argued that where the MBO is of a division/SBU (Strategic Business Unit) from a surviving firm then it forms part of that firm's corporate strategy. The article examines the view that divisions/SBUs operating in declining industries and those that no longer fit into the firm's overall strategy are the most likely to be disposed of through MBOs. It also considers the extent to which the managements of the divesting firms are acting in a reactive or proactive way and illustrates the benefits of using MBOs proactively as part of corporate strategy.

Currently, legislation relating to hazardous sites is becoming more
rigorous, with the exception of nuclear installations and these are
being addressed. A particular facet of accidents at nuclear
installations involving radioactivity is potassium iodate prophylaxis as
a counter measure. Effective distribution of stable iodine is important,
with early issue to an affected populace critical. Present arrangements
are unsatisfactory in that the Police Service is the principal agency
for such distribution, with other agencies, for example the Health
Service, acting in support. There is limited pre‐distribution to
designated sites, but the practice varies throughout the country.
Considerable thought has been given to the matter of an effective
distribution process with the possibility shortly of guidance. It is
unclear what arrangements will be in the future for this distribution
and the matter will have to be treated with considerable care, bearing
in mind the sensitivity of this subject as far as the public is
concerned.

The coastal zone contains some of the most productive and economically valuable habitats of the biosphere. It has important, but very fragile ecosystems with high species diversity and intense biological activity. Additionally, they offer very important socio-economic benefits in terms of cultural values (e.g. historic, religious, or recreational sites). ; In spite of the present awareness of this fragility, the Maltese socio-economic system is still burdening the coastal zone with non-sustainable economic development. The local approach towards coastal management is uneven, ill-defined and deficient in its decision-making. By and-large, it has been allowed to evolve within the framework of existing administrative structures and is being executed by several agencies or departments acting under a wide-ranging, and mostly non-specific legislation. Moreover, public awareness is still poorly developed and is not yet filling the current deficient policy and procedural vacuum. ; peer-reviewed

The purpose of the present NHS reforms is to introduce a managed market; developing some of the incentives for greater efficiency that are often found in markets while still being able to regulate proceedings to prevent market failures. If government intervenes too much there will be no incentive to improve efficiency and streamline operations: too little intervention may result in some areas having inadequate health service cover or monopoly powers abusing their position. Effective management of the NHS market requires eight core elements: openness of information, control of labour and capital markets, regulation of mergers and takeovers, arbitrating in disputes, protection of unprofitable functions such as research and development, overseeing national provision of health services, protection of basic principles of the NHS, and handling of closures and redundancy. Management of the market would best be performed by the NHS management executive and health authority purchasers acting within a framework set by politicians.

A detailed account is given of a strike during December 1987 in a
number of production and support units of the Ravne Iron Works, located
in Slovenia, and run under workers′ self‐management, according to the
laws in force at that time. The phenomenon of the strike is initially
examined in the context of the official political and legal refusal to
recognize its existence. A discussion then follows on how, within the
then national model of workers′ self‐management, strikers were acting
against their own agents (management) and against their own economic and
political interests. A scrutiny of management′s role shows how its
response frequently was to concede strikers′ demands, for reasons of
avoiding official attention and opprobrium. The strike thus acquired a
reputation for being antisocial, unacknowledged, yet effective. Finally,
the strike events are analysed in respect of the economic, sociological,
political and epidemiological models of strikes: elements of all four
models are identified.

Why Mexican state actors support or oppose democratic reform is explained by their class embeddedness in different administrative domains, leading some to see democratic reform as threatening one-party rule & others to see the same reform as legitimizing it. Mexico's corporatist political system, its unique urbanization patterns, & the recent economic crisis exacerbate these internal administrative divisions, which in turn prevent the state from responding to growing social protest & accelerating pressures for democratization. Paradoxically, as the state becomes increasingly incapable of acting decisively with respect to democratic reform, political space opens for opposition groups & parties to flourish, which both delegitimizes one-party rule & brings more opportunities for the introduction of a more competitive political system. Discussion centers around a 1983 proposal for urban democratic reform in Mexico City, drawing on data from official documents, secondary literature, & approximately 50 interviews with high-ranking government officials & party/social movement leaders. 1 Table. AA

This study examines the relationship between generalized expectations about others' behavior (interpersonal trust) and consumption of a regenerating resource in a simulated commons dilemma. Eighty subjects were assigned to one of four feedback conditions in a split-plot factorial design (trust X feedback X blocks). Resources were programmed to deteriorate at four different rates. However, subjects believed they were acting in groups of five, and that resource deterioration was a consequence of the rate of consumption of the resource.When faced with minimal deterioration of the resource pool, subjects increased their consumption over trial blocks; rapid deterioration led to decreased consumption. However, the consumption rate of low trusters was unaffected by the rate at which the resource deteriorated. High trusters consumed more than low trusters when resource deterioration was minimal, but significantly less than low trusters under conditions of rapid deterioration. The results give support to the claim that trust plays an important role in mediating resource consumption in commons dilemmas.

The sense of honour in Japan.
From the sixteenth century to the present, the sense of honour has been a main characteristic of the Japanese indicated by Europeans and the present writer thought it ethnopsychologically worthy to consider over it.
Firstly, it is noticeable that over the long history of a people, there continued a trait so conspicuous as to draw attention of the new-comers to this land - secondly, that it is alive with those engaged in the modern enterprises, national and international. Really it seems to be a key to know about the Japanese to-day. But there seems to be room to reflect over the nature of their present sense of honour acting as the normative force for their conduct in society. The reflection may be significant not only for the nation concerned but also partly for other nations facing rapid and complex changes in the modern times.
(Translation from Japanese by the writer)