This article uses an analysis of social studies of finance to explore Andrew Abbott's ideas about how we construct 'new' social theory. Drawing on Abbott, it is argued that social studies of finance tend as much towards the recycling of existing conjecture as the presentation of markedly novel argument. Yet Abbott's position also questions such potential critique by suggesting that theoretical recycling and recombination represent 'normal', and often creative, academic behaviour.
Why might social movements be highly contentious at one point in time and demobilize shortly after? Based on ethnographic fieldwork, this article examines the dynamics of demobilization of popular movements in a context of patronage politics. I argue that demobilization in these contexts results from relational processes creating a "dual pressure" stemming "from below" and "from above." In social environments where patronage is pervasive, poor people develop survival strategies relying on clientelistic arrangements. They participate in a social movement organization (SMO) to voice their rights, but also to address pressing survival needs by gaining access to resources. These expectations of constituents create a pressure "from below" on leaders of anSMO, which respond by securing resources obtained through alliances with national political actors. In turn, these alliances create a pressure "from above," because local leaders reciprocate this national support by eschewing the organization of collective actions. Drawing on data culled from 12 months of fieldwork on an Argentine peasant movement, this article inspects the interconnections between popular movements and patronage politics to refine our understanding of demobilization processes; contribute to discussions regarding the role of culture on contentious politics; and shed light on current demobilization trends in Latin America.
The non-cooperative nationalist organization movement in the 1930s came under pressure from the colonial government through the enactment of vergader verbod so that most of the non-cooperative nationalist organizations dissolved and their former cadres joined the cooperative organization movement. The New PNI as a non-cooperative nationalist organization was still able to survive in the midst of a repressive government and economic depression that hit the Dutch East Indies economy. The discussion in this article focuses on the ups and downs of the New PNI movement in 1931-1942. The method used in this research was the historical method consisting of heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The findings indicated that the New PNI was still able to survive in the dynamics of the Indonesian independence movement even though it had to experience downturn from August 1933 to 1942 as an implication of vergader verbod. The factors that allowed the New PNI to survive were changing the movement pattern to an underground movement and rearranging the organizational structure when the New PNI leaders were arrested by PID. The survival of the New PNI in the dynamics of the independence movement proved the success of cadre education carried out by the New PNI.
Abstract The anti-eviction movement in Spain (Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca, PAH), among other movements, are at the forefront of the social response to the crisis and its effects. Generating a wide array of counter-hegemonic practices and conforming a new disruptive common sense that reflects the antagonist and irreconcilable interests between the elites and the popular classes. In the actual moment, with a convulse and volatile political scenario, and the appearance of anti-austerity forces in the institutions (from the local to the central level), the tension remains between attempts to consolidate and protect social rights and strategies to contain further attacks. This contrast is evidenced by the financial sector strategy to recompose itself around the housing sector, for the continuation of a economic model based on speculation around housing assets as a comodity; characterised by the entrance of international actors (i.e. investment funds) that deepen the emptying of political sovereignty of national institutions to enforce rights-based public policies. In that situation, tensions are arising between the new emerging political actors and social movements, through the defense and contestations of the later for the non-negotiable character of social rights (right to housing, as a central element). This duality of strategies, and multiple legitimacies – on the side of anti-austerity actors –, is currently opening up debates on roles, political purposes and on the eventual complementary/compatible character of those strategies. This article intends to briefly reflect on those political challenges to build effective social counter-powers that would be able, not only to contain, but to revert the democratic and social regressions suffered throughout the last years.
The theory and practice of the radical community, and a capacity for self-organisation, demonstrates the ability to control the symbols and language of society, to define new conventions of meaning, and to offer alternative reasons and explanations for action. However, the predominant sociological account of Italian social movements of the 1960s and 1970s censures potentially relevant discursive practices of the radical community. This is evidenced by the lack of diversity amongst the epistemic sources of Anglo American Social Movement Theory (SMT). The assumptions in play in disciplinary thought disqualify the practice and theory of radical social movements as a credible mode of analysis of the social and political condition. Ultimately, this discounts the radical subject as knowledge producer. By reflecting on my personal experience of conducting doctoral research at three key community archives in Italy I contemplate an alternative approach, which considers the valence of these radical communities as essentially epistemological and not simply 'political', or social.
The theory and practice of the radical community, and a capacity for self-organisation, demonstrates the ability to control the symbols and language of society, to define new conventions of meaning, and to offer alternative reasons and explanations for action. However, the predominant sociological account of Italian social movements of the 1960s and 1970s censures potentially relevant discursive practices of the radical community. This is evidenced by the lack of diversity amongst the epistemic sources of Anglo American Social Movement Theory (SMT). The assumptions in play in disciplinary thought disqualify the practice and theory of radical social movements as a credible mode of analysis of the social and political condition. Ultimately, this discounts the radical subject as knowledge producer. By reflecting on my personal experience of conducting doctoral research at three key community archives in Italy I contemplate an alternative approach, which considers the valence of these radical communities as essentially epistemological and not simply 'political', or social.
This article investigates green party members' activism in the environmental movement and tests how a number of predictors, theoretically suggested in the past yet rarely empirically tested, can account for it. The authors' analysis is based on an extensive data set of members of 15 green parties in 12 European countries ( N = 6,639). This article finds that members' activism can be accounted for largely by network and identity variables, as suggested by social movements' scholars, whereas "new social movements" theories did not adequately explain environmental activism. Thus, network or identity variables, such as past activism, membership in environmental organizations, and activism in other social movements, are significant in the multivariate model. A number of alternative models are significant alone but not when network or identity variables are added to the model: postmaterialism, a "new environmental paradigm" worldview, and political attitudes. Although age, rational choice considerations, and new middle-class placement remain statistically significant, yet—for the latter case—its effect is negative. Macro-level variables, such as the green party's governmental experience, the country's quality of natural environment as well as environmental policies, were also found to have statistically significant effects on activism.
