Suchergebnisse

Avrupa'da bütünleşme fikrinin temelleri çok eski tarihlere dayanmaktadır. Fakat bu birliğin kurulmasında II. Dünya Savaşı'nın yarattığı siyasal ve ekonomik çöküntünün yeri büyüktür. Savaş sonrası bozulan ekonomilerini geliştirmek amacıyla Fransa, Almanya, İtalya, Belçika, Hollanda, Lüksemburg ABD'nin de desteğiyle önce 1951 yılında Paris Anlaşması ile Avrupa Kömür ve Çelik Birliği'ni (AKÇT), daha sonra 1957'de Roma Anlaşması ile Avrupa Ekonomik Topluluğu'nu (AET) ve Avrupa Atom Enerjisi Topluluğu'nu (AAET-EURATOM) kurdular. Süreç içerisinde yapılan antlaşmalarla genişleme yaşayan Topluluk, genişlemeye bağlı olarak kurumlarında değişiklikler yapmış, yeni kurumlar oluşturmuş ve mevcut kurumların yetkilerini arttırmıştır. Yarım asrı geride bırakan Türkiye-AB ilişkilerinin temeli 31 Temmuz 1959'da Türkiye'nin AET'ye üyelik için başvurusu ile atılmıştır. AET Bakanlar Konseyi, Türkiye'nin yapmış olduğu başvuruyu kabul ederek, üyelik koşulları gerçekleşinceye kadar geçerli olacak bir ortaklık anlaşması imzalanmasını önermiştir. 12 Eylül 1963 tarihinde imzalanan Ankara Anlaşması'nın 1 Aralık 1964 tarihinde yürürlüğe girmesiyle de Türkiye-AB ortaklık ilişkisi başlamıştır. Türkiye-AB ilişkilerinde önemli dönüm noktalarından biri 1996 da Gümrük Birliği Anlaşması'nın imzalanması, diğeri ise 1999 yılında gerçekleşen Helsinki Zirvesi'nde Türkiye'nin adaylık statüsünün teyit edilmesidir. Adaylık statüsü verilmesinin ardından Türkiye, Uyum Yasaları ve reform paketleri ile Kopenhag Kriterleri'ne bir an önce uyum sağlamayı hedeflemiştir. 17 Aralık 2004 tarihinde Brüksel'de düzenlenen Zirve toplantısında Türkiye'nin siyasi kriterleri yeterli ölçüde karşıladığı belirtilerek 3 Ekim 2005 tarihinde AB'ye katılım müzakerelerinin resmen başlatılması yönünde karar alınmıştır. ; The basis of the idea of integration in Europe is based on a very ancient history. However, the political and economic collapse created by the 2nd World War was very important in the establishment of this union. France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Netherlands, Luxembourg by the support of USA firstly constituted the European Coal and Steel Union (ECSC) with the Paris Agreement in 1951 and then continued to constitute the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community (AAET-EURATOM) with the Treaty of Rome to develop their post-war distorted economies. The Community, which experienced expansion with the agreements made in the process, made changes in its institutions depending on the enlargement, created new institutions, and increased the powers of the existing institutions. Relations when were founded half a century ago between Turkey and the European Union based on Turkey`s application for membership of the EEC on 31 July 1959.EEC Council of Ministers, accepting that Turkey had made the application, has offered the signing of a partnership agreement will be valid until the membership conditions occur. Following the Ankara agreement signed on 12th September in 1963 entered into force on 1 December 1964, Turkey-EU partnership relationship began. One of the significant turning points in Turkey-EU relations in 1996 the signing of the Customs Union Agreement and the other is the confirmation of Turkey's candidate status at the Helsinki Summit in 1999. After giving candidate status to Turkey, it aims to ensure compliance with the Copenhagen criteria by Adjustment Act and the reform packages. It was indicated that Turkey provides political criteria in the Summit meeting held in Brussels on 17 December 2004. Because of that on 3 October 2005, it was decided to meet the EU accession negotiations formally launched.

Respect for human rights in a state of law is without doubt "conditio sine qua non". Today human rights have a imperative meaning and therefore whether one state will adhere to this or not, it is identical to Hamlet's question "To be or not". Simply a state in the real meaning can only be that in which the human rights will be the most indisputable notion. Permanent upgrading and respecting of human rights increases citizens' trust in the national institutions, otherwise the existence of a high level of distrust in state institutions, especially in the courts and public prosecutor's offices, is a real indicator of a society where the rule of law erodes. Every person must enjoy his rights, including the accused persons who only with recognized rights are integrated into an accusatory and fair procedure. The defendant, having own rights, will have trust in the judicial authorities, that he will be brought before an independent and impartial court and with a fair trial will receive a legally and fair verdict. Because the law is that who guarantees to a defendant a fair judgment and the state is obliged to enable and protect it. This was greatly invented by the old Roman lawyers when they defined the law as ars boni et aequi - a skill of the good and the fair, and the state as res publica - an organization who protects all inhabitants. Only this combinatorial and cohabitation of the state and the law is the way in which the defendant will be a process entity with guaranteed, protected and effected rights and part of a fair trial. Criminal law and criminal procedural law with their principles, very well reflect the position of the defendant in the accusatory procedure. The principle of legality, the presumption of innocence, the prohibition of discrimination from the criminal substantive law, including the principle of seeking the truth, fair procedure, contradiction and principle of publicity from the criminal procedural law are one of the most important principles in these areas that are related to the defendant's rights. They represent the base from which the rights of the defendant are further formed. This also shows the dependence of the defendant's rights from the penal policy in the state and from her behavior to the human rights. Therefore, the rights of the defendant besides the criminal law matter are part of the guaranteed basic human rights. The United Nations and the Council of Europe as institutions have great integrity in relation to the human rights, including the rights of the defendant. With the International Covenant on Civil and Political rights and the European Convention on Human Rights are established the international standards for the defendant's rights and also criteria for the states that must meet if they want to acquire the epithet state of law. Therefore, in this paper will be analyze and study the rights of the defendant from the aspect of human rights according to already established international standards. Key words: Human rights, fair trial, accusatory procedure, defendant.

[eng] Despite the literature on corporate social responsibility of small and medium enterprises has grown in recent years, knowledge on the subject is still fragmented and has not yet achieved a coherent theory of social responsibility for companies of this dimension. In this sense, this thesis sought to contribute to the development of the theory from the perspective of small businesses in the Caribbean Region of Colombia. The thesis is structured in three articles. The first article addresses a review of the literature in order to analyze research trends in the field of corporate social responsibility of small and medium enterprises in the period 1970-2018. The results show greater interest in the subject as of 2002, with greater research production, mainly in developed countries in Europe and North America. It also identifies a predominance of empirical studies and the relative decrease of descriptive works in the study of social responsibility in small and medium enterprises. Parallel to the greater collaborative and multidisciplinary work among authors, a low level of connectivity of the authors is observed at the level of the entire network. Finally, it is identified that social responsibility research in smaller companies is in a state of growth, with theoretical restrictions to advance to a state of maturation of knowledge. The second article evaluates the degree of understanding and execution of social responsibility practices in micro, small and medium-sized companies in Barranquilla, following the theory of Stakeholders. Using an exploratory factor analysis in 779 companies, it was found that the variables with the greatest explanatory influence on socially responsible performance are the employees, the environment and the community. In contrast, corporate management, the value chain and the public/governmental sector conditions the development of social responsibility actions. Additionally, there is a weak perception and lack of will among owners and managers to undertake comprehensive social responsibility programs, as well as little interest in formalizing the social initiatives already carried out. The third article develops a new multidimensional scale to measure the perception of owners and/or managers about corporate social responsibility activities and the effect of this perception on the corporate image of micro, small and medium enterprises in the Caribbean region of Colombia. Using structural equations, in a sample of 3069 companies, the causal relationship between social responsibility and corporate image was measured. The results confirmed the empirical validation of three different dimensions to measure social responsibility and its relationship with the corporate image. In particular, the economic dimension acts as the most influential domain of social responsibility, as opposed to the environmental dimension that is less relevant. In addition, the study found that the positive perception of social responsibility acts as a key mediator for the corporate image. Finally, it is important to emphasize that the main contribution of this thesis is in providing empirical evidence on the knowledge and execution of actions of social responsibility in smaller companies in a developing country. In effect, the results show moderate knowledge and the informal implementation of some social responsibility practices, which suggests the need of advancing in social responsibility training programs led by academia, government entities and business associations.

[eng] The thesis is framed in the disciplinary field of urban sociology and aims to analyse municipal entrepreneurship support policies promoted by the cities of Milan (Italy) and Barcelona (Spain), with a focus on the experiences of young people up to the age of thirty-five who have benefited from the different measures during the years 2012 to 2016. The concept of entrepreneurship, explicitly and sometimes implicitly accompanied by that of self-employment, is central in many policy agendas at many levels of government. In Europe, indeed, the growing concern about the persistence of high levels of unemployment, especially among young people, combined with the consolidation of activation as a paradigm in the reorientation of public actions for social inclusion, have made entrepreneurship a key instrument not only for economic development strategies, but also for activation policies (inclusive entrepreneurship). At the local level, European cities are particularly active in supporting inclusive entrepreneurship, being also able to count on the fact that new economic opportunities have found fertile ground in urban contexts, driven primarily by the growth of the service sector and a distinctive capacity for innovation. However, despite its relevance, this issue has been scantly addressed in the literature. In this context, the thesis proposes an interpretative framework for exploring this object of study that incorporates, on the one hand, neo-Marxist-inspired and neo-Weberian approaches to urban policy and governance and, on the other hand, the socio-economic literature and theoretically relevant institutional documentation on entrepreneurship, including within the framework of studies on the reorganization of the welfare state. The critical reading of the reference literature has led to two analytical macro-approaches. The first highlights the thesis of the convergence of urban policies towards neoliberal modes of governance, and welfare models based on market needs and competitiveness instead of social cohesion. A trend that entrepreneurship support policies seem to exemplify. The second highlights the peculiarities of the European city, identified with the resistance of the compromise between growth and social inclusion objectives, and supports the opposite thesis of the divergence between cities, the relevance of the political dimension and the local policy actors. Within this framework, the research has focused on how local political actors interpret, invalidate or reproduce the mainstream approach to entrepreneurship support policies and the role played in this respect by institutional factors and political aspects. Besides, the investigation included the analysis of the implications in terms of redistribution of risks and opportunities among the young people interviewed. To this ends, the research has availed itself of a qualitative methodology, case-based comparative analysis and the technique of the interview. The study revealed the heterogeneity of municipal entrepreneurship support policies concerning ideas and values, objectives, measures and tools, as well as the experiences of the young beneficiaries. Finally, the thesis highlights how policy orientations, local political paradigms, institutional legacies and governance arrangements interact to shape specific and different approaches to entrepreneurship support policies in the two cities, and how these influence the capacity to govern socio-economic changes.

En diciembre del año 2000, el Parlamento de Cataluña se adhirió al Convenio Europeo del Paisaje (CEP), justo dos meses después de que lo aprobara el Consejo de Europa. Cinco años después, en el 2005, el Parlamento aprobó la Ley 8/2005, de 8 de junio, de protección, gestión y ordenación del paisaje. Unos meses antes de la aprobación de la Ley, se creó el Observatorio del Paisaje de Cataluña, entendido como un centro de pensamiento, estudio, documentación y acción sobre el paisaje, y un punto de encuentro entre todas aquellas instituciones, entidades y personas que, en Cataluña y fuera de Cataluña se preocupan y se interesan por la temática del paisaje. Una de las principales actividades del Observatorio del Paisaje desde 2005 ha sido la elaboración de los catálogos de paisaje de Cataluña, creados por la Ley del paisaje y pensados como instrumento de caracterización del paisaje con el fin de introducir los objetivos de calidad del paisaje en la planificación territorial y sectorial. Los catálogos traducen la filosofía del CEP en un instrumento de planificación territorial participado, y su aprobación por parte de la Generalitat de Cataluña los convierte en una herramienta de uso público para la sociedad y de referencia obligada para cualquier iniciativa pública que tenga incidencia en el paisaje. Los catálogos han marcado un antes y un después en el conocimiento y la gestión del paisaje en Cataluña, tanto por su capacidad de documentar y orientar a las políticas públicas, su aplicabilidad en la escala local, y por su potencial pedagógico o de sensibilización a la sociedad. ; In December 2000, the Parliament of Catalonia signed the adherence to the European Landscape Convention (ELC), just two months after the Council of Europe approved it. Five years later, in 2005, the Parliament passed the Law 8/2005, of June 8, on Landscape Protection, Management and Planning. A few months before the approval of the Law, the Landscape Observatory of Catalonia was set up, understood as a centre of thought, study, documentation and action on the landscape, and a meeting point among all those institutions, entities and people who, in Catalonia and outside of Catalonia they care and are interested in landscape issues. One of the main activities of the Landscape Observatory since 2005 has been the elaboration of the Landscape Catalogues of Catalonia, created by the Landscape Law as a landscape characterization instrument in order to introduce landscape quality objectives into territorial and sector planning. The Catalogues translate the philosophy of the ELC into an instrument of spatial planning, with the implication of the population, and its approval by the Generalitat of Catalonia makes them a tool for public use for society and a mandatory reference for any public initiative that has an impact on the landscape. The Catalogues have marked a before and after in the knowledge and management of the landscape in Catalonia, both for their ability to document and guide public policies, their applicability at the local level, and for their pedagogical or awareness-raising potential for the society. ; Observatorio del Paisaje de Cataluña.

Les recherches sur les petits marchés médiatiques se sont développées lors de la libéralisation du secteur de la télévision et de la radio en Europe. S'inscrivant dans le courant de l'économie politique de la communication, elles consistent principalement à s'interroger sur les enjeux culturels et politiques liés aux réformes successives survenues dans l'industrie audiovisuelle (télévision sans frontières et les différentes directives SMA). Leurs résultats, focalisés sur les structures de l'industrie des médias mettent en évidence la vulnérabilité des petits marchés par rapport aux produits exogènes et aux entreprises étrangères (Trappel, 1991). Elles soulignent également l'impact du facteur linguistique dans la mesure où le phénomène de vulnérabilité s'observe davantage dans les petits pays partageant un langage similaire avec un grand voisin que dans ceux disposant d'un langage exclusif (Puppis, 2009). De leur côté, des recherches en économie des médias ont mis en évidence la difficulté des médias situés dans ce type de marché de bénéficier pleinement des économies d'échelle en raison du bassin étroit de distribution et/ou de diffusion de leurs produits (Ferrell Lowe et Nissen, 2011). En Belgique, les recherches s'intéressant aux rapports entre les entreprises de presse et leur environnement ont permis d'observer certains traits mis en évidence dans la littérature internationale : vulnérabilité par rapport aux entreprises étrangères, manque de ressources, concentration élevée de l'industrie ou encore l'agencement spécifique des institutions politiques (Heinderyckx et Antoine, 2011) (Antoine et Puissant-Baeyens, 2017). Mais à l'heure actuelle, il n'y pas de recherche qui tente d'interroger de manière systématique le rapport entre la transition numérique des entreprise de presse écrite et l'environnement socio-économique dans lequel elles sont actives. En partant de ce constat, nous nous sommes donc posé la question suivante : en quoi les caractéristiques du petit marché belge francophone ont-elles un impact sur la transition numérique de la presse écrite quotidienne ? L'objectif de la contribution est de poser les concepts et les outils méthodologiques employés pour répondre à cette question de recherche. Nous utilisons des cadres conceptuels provenant du management stratégique des médias. La notion de stratégie a d'abord été étudiée par le biais du modèle d'analyse des structures de marché (SCP) de Mason et Bain (Albaran and Chan-Olmsted, 1998). Les dernières études en management stratégique des médias ont approfondi ce concept en s'intéressant aussi aux ressources internes de l'entreprise (Brown et Ferrel Lowe, 2016, Chan-Olmsted, 2006, Kung, 2017). Nous développons une méthode d'analyse mixte accordant un soin particulier à relier les dimensions macro, méso et micro du phénomène (Hollingsworth, 2000) et se situant dans « un entre-deux » disciplinaire entre l'économie politique de la communication et l'économie des médias. Cette approche se matérialise au niveau de la méthode par la réalisation d'une enquête documentaire dans les archives de la presse belge et d'une cinquantaine d'entretiens semi-directifs avec des journalistes web et papier ainsi qu'avec des cadres inférieurs et supérieurs des quotidiens belges francophones (L'Avenir, La Libre, La DH, L'Echo, Le Soir, Métro et les journaux de Sudpresse). Il a aussi été estimé utile d'intégrer la dimension longitudinale (début des années 2000-2019) à l'étude afin de mieux articuler les différentes variables du phénomène analysé au cours du temps (Buchelli et Wadhmani, 2014).

The study demonstrates the fulfillment of one of the goals of the Advisory Council for Aeronautics Research in Europe (ACARE) outlined in Flightpath 2050. The European Union is conducting studies to determine the level of progress, gaps and barriers for each of the goals and to provide guidance on their elimination. The focus is on environmental performance, fuel efficiency, passenger satisfaction and global leadership. Therefore, there in the study is carried out research on methods for improving the fuel efficiency of the aircraft based on the implementation of the concept of adaptive wing to reduce the resistance of the aircraft and the use of electric drive wheel chassis. One conducted the estimation of ways to reduce the frontal resistance of a heavy long-distance trunk aircraft type A340-600 based on the implementation of this concept, as well as the effect of the electric drive chassis racks on the fuel efficiency of the aircraft. It is shown that the main indicator, which characterizes the competitiveness of aircraft, is the possibility to provide transportation of the maximum commercial load at the largest range with a minimum fuel consumption.Exploration of the operational characteristics of the aircraft was carried out with the help of the developed modular software complex based on parametrical studies of the characteristics of the aircraft and its propulsion at the stages of modernization or preliminary design. The modular complex includes computational software blocks that are interconnected and allow the study of the characteristics of engines and aircraft, both with subsonic and with supersonic flight speed.The results of studies have shown that laminarization of the aircraft's surface without taking into account the energy costs of exhausting the boundary layer reduces fuel consumption by about 20 %. Reducing the use of aircraft propulsion engines while taxiing is an action that can be compared in terms of its effectiveness with decreasing the size of cracks and ledges in the control and mechanization of the wing of the aircraft. Aircraft with an electric chassis in front of the chassis has an advantage in fuel efficiency before the aircraft only when taxiing for more than 30 minutes. The obtained results allow estimating boundary possibilities of increase of fuel efficiency of heavy long-distance main passenger aircraft. ; Одной из исследовательских задач, направленных на достижение целей FLIGHTPATH 2050, является оценка методов улучшения топливной эффективности самолета на основе реализации концепции адаптивного крыла для снижения сопротивления самолета и применения электрического привода колес шасси. Проведена оценка способов снижения лобового сопротивления тяжелого дальнего магистрального самолета типа A340-600, оценено влияние использования для руления электропривода стоек шасси на топливную эффективность самолета. Показано, что ламинаризация поверхности планера самолёта без учета энергетических затрат на отсос пограничного слоя позволяет уменьшить затраты топлива приблизительно на 20 %. Снижение времени использования маршевых двигателей самолета при рулении является мероприятием, которое сопоставимо по своей эффективности с уменьшением размеров щелей и уступов в органах управления и механизации крыла самолета. Самолет с электроприводом в передней стойке шасси имеет преимущество в топливной эффективности перед исходным самолетом только при рулении более 30 минут.

Анотація. Сьогодні в державі дуже часто говорять про доступність, маючі на увазі пандуси та транспорт для інвалідів, хоча в Європі вважають, що доступність, це не тільки можливість безперешкодного пересування, а в першу чергу − це створення середовища, в якому людина з інвалідністю комфортно б себе почувала, могла спілкуватись, працювати, подорожувати. Мета дослідження − висвітлення регіонального досвіду надання соціальних послуг вразливим категоріям населення видами інклюзивного реабілітаційно-соціального туризму на рівні громади (на прикладі м. Умань). Методи дослідження: аналіз вітчизняного законодавства; вивчення інформаційних ресурсів офіційних сайтів; розробка маршрутів інклюзивного туризму; опитування серед отримувачів послуг з інклюзивного соціально-реабілітаційного туризму; моніторинг якості надання соціальної послуги інклюзивного реабілітаційно-соціального туризму за критеріями як: адресність та індивідуальний підхід, результативність, своєчасність, доступність та відкритість, повага до гідності отримувача соціальної послуги, професійність. Вивчення регіонального досвіду міста Умань дозволило констатувати, що інклюзивний реабілітаційно-соціальний туризм виступає інноваційною соціальною послугою для вразливих категорій населення та людей з інвалідністю зокрема, яка сприяє їх соціально-психологічній реабілітації, відновленню соціальних зв'язків та інтеграції у суспільство як повноцінних і повноправних учасників життя. Впровадженню цієї послуги передбачає створення організаційної структури на рівні громади, підготовку відповідних кадрів, розробку екскурсійно-туристичних маршрутів, забезпечення архітектурної доступності рекреаційних об'єктів; здійснення моніторингу якості надання цієї послуги. ; Abstract. Nowadays the state talks of accessibility, meaning ramps and transport for the disabled. Although in Europe, it is believed that accessibility is not only the opportunity for unhindered movement, but it is primarily about creating an environment, where a person with a disability is comfortable with oneself. The purpose of the study is to highlight the regional experience of providing social services to vulnerable groups of population by types of inclusive rehabilitation and social tourism at the community level at the example of Uman town. Methods of research used: analysis of domestic legislation; study of information resources of official sites; development of inclusive tourism routes; poll among recipients of inclusive social and rehabilitation tourism services; monitoring the quality of providing social services for inclusive rehabilitation and social tourism based on targeting and individual approach, effectiveness, timeliness, accessibility and openness, respect for the dignity of the recipient of social services, professionalism. The study of the regional experience Uman allowed to state that inclusive rehabilitation and social tourism is an innovative social service for vulnerable groups of population and people with disabilities in particular, promoting their social-psychological rehabilitation, restoration of social relations and integration into society as a full members. The introduction of this service involves the creation of an organisational structure at the community level, the training of relevant personnel, the development of excursion and tourist routes, ensuring the architectural accessibility of recreational facilities; monitor the quality of the provision of this service. monitoring of the quality of providing social services for inclusive rehabilitation and social tourism was carried out according to criteria such as targeting and individual approach, effectiveness, timeliness, accessibility and openness, respect for the dignity of the recipient of social services, professionalism.

Der neue Mobilfunkstandard 5G eröffnet im Vergleich zu den bisherigen Mobilfunktechnologien neue Anwendungsmöglichkeiten über Sprachtelefonie und mobiles Breitband hinaus. Aufgrund der technischen Features und funktionalen Eigenschaften der neuen Funktechnologie und Systemarchitektur geht man davon aus, dass 5G insbesondere geschäftlich in den Bereichen Intelligente Mobilität, Industrie 4.0, Intelligente Versorgungsnetze, Logistik, E-Health oder in der Landwirtschaft einsetzbar ist. Hier wird auch das wirtschaftliche Potential des neuen Standards gesehen. Neben dem Angebot von Telekommunikationsdiensten auf Basis von 5G in der Fläche, versprechen sich gewerbliche Anwender von sogenannten "Campus-Netzen" eine besondere Bedeutung bei der Digitalisierung von Wertschöpfungsprozessen. 5G-Campus-Netze werden in einer breiteren Öffentlichkeit insbesondere im Kontext von Industrie-4.0-Anwendungen diskutiert. Frequenzzuteilungen der für 5G relevanten Frequenzen sind von Seiten der Frequenzmanagementbehörden im Gange, vorwiegend Auktionen, bei denen nationale Frequenznutzungsrechte vergeben werden. Einige Frequenzmanagementbehörden fördern jedoch gezielt die Möglichkeit der Errichtung eigenständiger lokal dezidierter 5G-Netze, die dann als 5G-Campus-Netze bezeichnet werden. Beispielsweise Deutschland, die Niederlande und das Vereinigte Königreich teilen lokal Frequenznutzungsrechte zu. Hierbei erhalten Unternehmen die Möglichkeit, Frequenznutzungsrechte für den Einsatz auf ihrem Betriebsgelände zu erwerben und eigene 5G-Campus-Netze bedarfsgerecht selbst mit eigenen exklusiven Frequenznutzungsrechten zu errichten und zu betreiben. Das könnte einen Paradigmenwechsel in der Frequenzpolitik mit der Folge darstellen, dass neue Anbieter und Nachfrager die bisher durch nationale Anwendungen charakterisierten Mobilfunkmärkte betreten. Ziel des vorliegenden Diskussionsbeitrags ist die Darstellung der Frequenzmanagementpolitik der nationalen Frequenzmanagementbehörden in Europa, China, Südkorea und den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, die darauf ausgerichtet ist, lokale dezidierte private 5G-Netze zu ermöglichen bzw. zu fördern. Diese Informationen wurden primär im Rahmen einer Befragung der Frequenzmanagementbehörden von Seiten der Bundesnetzagentur in Zusammenarbeit mit dem WIK eruiert. (.) ; The new 5G mobile communications standard opens up new applications beyond voice telephony and mobile broadband compared to previous mobile communications technologies. Due to the technical features and functional characteristics of the new wireless technology and system architecture, it is presumed that 5G can be used in particular for business purposes in the areas of intelligent mobility, industry 4.0, intelligent supply networks, logistics, e-health or agriculture. The economic potential of the new standard is also seen here. In addition to offering telecommunication services based on 5G over a wide area, commercial users of so-called "campus networks" are expecting special significance in the digitization of value-added processes. 5G campus networks are discussed in a broader public, particularly in the context of industry 4.0 applications. Frequency assignments of the frequencies relevant for 5G are underway on the part of the frequency management authorities, mainly auctions in which national frequency usage rights are awarded. However, some frequency management authorities are specifically promoting the possibility of setting up independent, locally dedicated 5G networks, which are then referred to as 5G campus networks. For example, Germany, the Netherlands and the UK allocate spectrum rights locally. This allows companies to acquire frequency usage rights for use on their premises and to build and operate their own 5G campus networks with their own exclusive frequency usage rights as required. This could represent a paradigm shift in spectrum policy with the result that new suppliers and customers enter the mobile communications markets, which have so far been characterized by national applications. The aim of this document is to present the frequency management policy of the national frequency management authorities in Europe, China, South Korea and the United States of America, aimed at enabling and promoting local dedicated private 5G networks. This information was primarily obtained through a survey of the frequency management authorities by the Federal Network Agency in cooperation with WIK. (.)

The article describes the features of representation of the US policy as to the building of the North Stream-2 gas pipeline in modern political cartoons. The US position as to the project is looked in several contexts: the USA and Russian competition on the European and Ukrainian gas markets, a global confrontation between both countries; security of EU and NATO countries, especially Germany, from Russia's energy and political pressure. The following main arguments in the US administration rhetoric against the Nord Stream-2 are highlighted: the pipeline disintegrates the European Union; opposes the interests of the countries of Western and Eastern Europe; causes a split within the NATO countries; makes Germany an energy hostage of the Kremlin; causes the environmental risks; is an instrument of Russia's hybrid war against Western countries and Ukrainian. The author traces the diplomatic attempts are being made by the United States for preventing the building of Nord Stream-2, US' lobbing for amendments to the EU Gas Directive, the system of American sanctions against both Russia and Gazprom's European business partners.The analyzed political cartoons focus on the negative attitude of the United States to the Nord Stream-2 as an instrument of increasing Russia's political influence on European countries. They also demonstrate the threat of loss of energy independence by Germany. The cartoonists often explain the American opposition to the Nord Stream-2 project by the struggle of the US and Russia for European gas markets. The most frequent personages of the cartoons are the President of the USA Donald Trump, the President of Russia Vladimir Putin, and German Chancellor Angela Merkel. The cartoons contain little symbolism, allegories, metaphors and do not need the searching of hidden contents. As usual, they are very straight, unambiguous in interpretation, clearly tied with the political context and current situation. ; У статті розкриваються особливості репрезентації політики США щодо будівництва газопроводу «Північний потік-2» у сучасній політичній карикатурі. Американська позиція розглядається у кількох контекстах: конкуренції США і Росії на європейському і українському газових ринках, глобального протистояння обох держав; безпеки країн ЄС і НАТО, особливо Німеччини, від енергополітичного тиску Росії. Виділено такі основні аргументи риторики адміністрації США проти «Північного потоку-2»: газопровід дезінтегрує Європейський Союз, протиставляє інтереси країн Західної і Східної Європи, вносить розкол у лави країн НАТО, робить Німеччину енергетичною заручницею Кремля, створює екологічні ризики, є інструментом гібридної війни Росії проти країн Заходу та України. Простежуються спроби США протидіяти спорудженню газопроводу дипломатичним шляхом, лобіювання ними внесення змін до Газової директиви ЄС, використання системи санкцій як щодо Росії, так і щодо європейських бізнес-партнерів «Газпрому».Проаналізовані карикатури акцентують увагу на негативному ставленні США до «Північного потоку-2» як важеля впливу Росії на країни Європи, на загрозах втрати Німеччиною енергетичної незалежності. Автори карикатур часто пояснюють американську протидію проекту боротьбою США і Росії за газові ринки Європи. Героями сюжетів виступають США в особі Д. Трампа, Росія в особі В. Путіна, канцлер Німеччини А. Меркель. Малюнки містять мало символів, алегорій, метафор, прихованих змістів. Вони прямолінійні, однозначні у тлумаченні, прив'язані до політичного контексту і поточної ситуації.

In the modern world an undoubted increase in the economic factor of maintaining the security of states is observed. Economic security is an important element of the functioning of national economies, including the states of the eastern flank of NATO. Perceiving economic security as a balance of development needs of these states we can identify several areas of activity of its quantifiers, which can include development, infrastructure and balance opportunities and needs. To determine the levels of these quantifiers, we must use a carefully selected set of meters. One of them is Gross Domestic Product (GDP) which clearly describes the measurable features present in the analyzed national economies. The objective of this article is to attempt to indicate the level of the economic security of NATO's eastern flank states in terms of the level of economic growth measured by GDP. From an autonomous perspective, this meter does not give grounds for expressing value judgments in the context of the widely understood level of economic security, but it constitutes their necessary component and basis for further analyzes and evaluations. For the needs of the elaboration, an assumption was made, being a simplification of the economic reality, indicating that changes in annual GDP will show the level of the economic security of NATO's eastern flank states. Hence, an increase in GDP growth lower than 1.9% in a period, which the analysis refers to, is a sign of a decrease in the level of economic security of a given state and vice versa.
In all the states of NATO's eastern flank, an improvement in its level was observed, where in 2017 in all the states of NATO's eastern flank the rate of GDP growth was higher than the assumed critical threshold level of 1.9%. Years 2014–2016 also constitute a period of improvement in the level of the economic security of the analyzed states, except for Bulgaria in 2014, Estonia and Lithuania in 2015 and Estonia in 2016. While the period from 2008 to 2013 is a period when the level of the economic security of the states of NATO's eastern flank is diverse and there are no indications that it improved. In the context of the analyzed problem, the best years were 2008 and 2011, for which GDP growth was the highest. In 2008 Estonia, Latvia and Hungary were those that did not reach the critical threshold (decline in economic security). The other six states were characterized by an increase in the level of economic security. The following year is a period when all the states (except for Poland) did not register any improvement. This resulted from a general economic recession, which was observed in the region of Central and Eastern Europe. Considering the number of years for which the assumed critical threshold level of 1.9% was not reached, we can claim that the economy of Poland (2 periods: 2012–2013), and then Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia and Slovakia (3 periods), Romania (4 years) and Bulgaria, Estonia and Hungary (5 years) were characterized by the highest level of economic security in the analyzed period.

Abstract Perceptions of Finland and Finns held by Canadian government decision-makers underscore the relations between the two countries. The individuals involved had definite views of what Finland and Finns were like and these images were at times openly expressed or inferred from the archived government departmental files. Using an analysis of images, the evolving bilateral relations between Canada and Finland from the recognition of Finnish independence in 1919 until the early Cold War in 1948 can be understood from the Canadian perspective. The images are analyzed on a scale in terms of their positive or negative connotations. Positive images regarded Finland as a friendly, Northern, country, a borderland, cultured, Western, modern, progressive, liberal, and democratic. When these images were applied to Finns they were seen as honest, hardworking, reliable and the payers of debts. On the opposite end of the spectrum, Finland was an enemy and a trade competitor. The Finnish people could also be seen with negative images as dangerous and radical. These images existed before the establishment of diplomatic relations and carried over to interactions involving immigration, the League of Nations, trade, and scientific exchanges. They are also evident in relations between the two countries during the Winter War, in the decision to declare war against Finland during the Continuation War, during the armistice period, the peace process, and the during the early Cold War when normalized relations were established. The findings suggest that relations between Canada and Finland were most often impacted by events in Europe. The images of Finland and Finns did not directly impact relations as such, since the policies and actions taken were based on what decision-makers considered realistic assessments of the situation, as well as Canada's national interests and capabilities. However, the images appear frequently as a means to narrow the range of acceptable options, rationalizations for specific polices, and justification for particular actions. ; Tiivistelmä Kanadan hallituksen päätöksentekijöiden näkemykset Suomesta ja suomalaisista korostavat maiden välisiä suhteita. Hallituksen arkistot paljastavat, että päättäjillä oli selvä näkökuva Suomesta ja suomalaisista, ja siihen viitattiin joko avoimesti tai peitetysti. Kanadan ja Suomen suhteet Suomen itsenäisyyden tunnustamisesta vuonna 1919 aina kylmän sodan alkuun saakka vuonna 1948 ovat ymmärrettävissä Kanadan näkökulmasta käyttämällä näkökuva-analyysia. Näkökuvat analysoidaan joko positiivisella tai negatiivisella asteikolla. Positiiviset näkökuvat Suomesta kuvaavat sitä ystävällisenä, pohjoisena rajamaana, joka oli sivistynyt, länsimainen, nykyaikainen, edistynyt, suvaitsevainen ja demokraattinen. Suomalaiset nähtiin rehellisinä, ahkerina, luotettavina ja velkansa maksajina. Asteikon toisessa päässä Suomi nähtiin vihollisena ja kauppakilpailijana. Suomalaiset voitiin myös nähdä negatiivisesti vaarallisina ja radikaaleina. Nämä näkökuvat olivat läsnä ennen maitten välisten diplomaattisuhteiden perustamista, ja jatkuivat vuorovaikutuksissa koskien siirtolaisuutta, Kansojen liittoa, kauppaa ja tieteellistä vaihtoa. Ne ovat myös nähtävissä suhteissa talvisodan aikana, päätöksessä julistaa sota Suomea vastaan jatkosodan aikana, aserauhan aikana, rauhanteon aikana sekä paluussa normaaleihin suhteisiin kylmän sodan alussa. Euroopan tapahtumilla näytti olevan myös suuri vaikutus Suomen ja Kanadan suhteisiin. Näkökuvat Suomesta ja suomalaisista eivät suoranaisesti vaikuttaneet maitten suhteisiin, koska käytännöt ja toiminnat perustuivat päättäjien mielestä realistiseen arvioon tilanteista sekä Kanadan kansallisista eduista ja kyvyistä. Tästä huolimatta näitä näkökuvia käytettiin usein rajoittamaan hyväksyttävien vaihtoehtojen valikoimaa, järkeistämään tiettyjä käytäntöjä sekä oikeuttamaan joitakin toimintoja.

Merging together several fields – literature, human sciences and psychiatry – this dissertation on Octave Mirbeau (1848-1917) focuses on a transitional period (end of the 19th century - beginning of the 20th). For centuries, the concept of alienation, which appeared in Europe in the 13th century, was widely used (in the Law as in philosophy, psychology,psychiatry, politics and literature). The origin of the word is Latin (alius, other people, and other people's property was referred to as alienus, inalienable). Over the centuries, it became a negative term : what was different or belonged to someone else was seen as potentially dangerous. Mental illnesses, which restrict freedom, were regarded as alienating, and in the 19th century psychiatrists were called alienists. Philosophers and politicans (eg. Merx) also used the concept to detect the factors which enslaved human beings. Alienation was perceived as the basis of a system undermining fundamental liberties (social, economic or religious factors). Alienation, which is the central core in Mirbeau's novels, mirrors some essential aspects of France at that time. Focusing on his novels from Le Calvaire (1886) to Dingo (1913)this dissertation will endeavour to show that alienation is a dialectical tension underlining society. If is the very structure of Mirbeau's body of work – a work which, without being unknown, is often misunderstood. Yet, alienation in ists variousmeanings gives a strong unity to the work : "original" (family, education, Roman Catholicism and the values of society), psychiatric alienation (eg. L'Abbé Jules and Le Calvaire), artistic alienation (the agony of the writer). Alienation may therefore lead to its opposite – freedom regained through the great power of wrinting. ; Cette thèse sur Octave Mirbeau (1848-1917) se situera au carrefour de plusieurs domaines (littérature, sciences humaines et psychiatrie) qui tous se focalisent sur l'humain au coeur d'une société donnée : la France à la charnière du XIXe siècle et du XXe. Apparu vers le XIIIe siècle, le mot aliénation a été largement utilisé (droit, philosophie, psychologie, psychiatrie, politique et littérature). Il vient du latin alius (autre), alienus signifiant ce qui appartient à l'autre. Au fil du temps, il a pris une coloration négative, ce qui est autre ou appartient à un autre étant perçu comme hostile. La maladie mentale ne permettant plus d'être libre est aussi une aliénation (au XIXe siècle, les aliénistes sont les psychiatres). Puis les philosophes et les politiques (cf. Marx) étudient ce qui asservit l'être humain (raisons sociales, économiques ou religieuses) ; l'aliénationest alors perçue comme la base d'un système liberticide. Central dans l'oeuvre de Mirbeau, ce concept reflète des aspects essentiels de la France de l'époque. L'étude de ces romans, du Calvaire (1886) à Dingo (1913), tentera de montrer que cette aliénation est alors perçue comme la tension dialectique qui sous-tend la société. Elle constitue l'ossature d'une oeuvre sinon méconnue, du moins mala connue à laquelle l'aliénation, dans ses diverses assertions, donne une forte unité : aliénation "des origines" (famille, éducation, religion catholique et valeurs de la société) ; aliénation au sens psychiatrique (cf. L'Abbé Jules et Le Calvaire) ; aliénation qui peut conduire à son contraire, la liberté reconquise par le formidable truchement d'une oeuvre.

This article describes a terminology issue which appeared as a result of intrusion of politically engaged verbal constructs in the conceptual apparatus of art history and the theory of art education. The author proves the contradictory nature of definitions and discloses the authentic meaning of statements in the original context. He also argues with the provisions of Soviet authors about the pedagogical method of D. Kardovsky. It is established that the category of 'method' still lacks proper reflection in theoretical works on the topic, because it was previously considered by Russian authors as one existing a priori as a universal category or as a number of techniques. The notion of 'method' which was popular during the Modern Era owing to Descartes, and reached the peak of its popularity in the epoch of Positivism in Europe, was an active construct much later, i.e. in the 1930s thanks to the concept of the Russian Association of Proletarian Writers. In the article, the author studies the Soviet discourse of the category of 'method' and its connotations with kindred notions such as, e.g. methodology (a relatively ordered sequence of actions). The author disproves the descriptions of the teaching activity of an artist and teacher through the category of 'realism' or any other tendency, direction or style. On the contrary, he puts forward categories of method and professional tradition. The school of art is regarded as a place to teach basics of art, which makes it different from the literary understanding of a school as a group of authors united by a stylistic proposition. The notions of 'method' and 'style' are differentiated in order to diverge from the Soviet literary understanding of a 'school' which heavily relied on the concept of method of socialist realism, reproduced by the Soviet art studies as an 'artistic method'. ; Статья описывает проблему терминологии, возникшую в результате внедрения в понятийные аппараты искусствознания и теории художественного образования политически ангажированных речевых конструктов. Доказывается противоречивость определений и устанавливается аутентичный смысл высказываний в оригинальном контексте. Оспариваются положения, выдвинутые рядом советских авторов о педагогическом методе Д. Кардовского. Выявляется, что категория «метод» остается до сих пор не отрефлексированной в теоретических исследованиях по теме, поскольку ранее рассматривалась отечественными авторами либо a priori, в качестве универсалистской категории, либо только как совокупность приемов. Понятие «метод», пользовавшееся благодаря Декарту популярностью в Новое время и пережившее крайний ее пик в эпоху позитивизма в Европе, в Советском Союзе являлось активным конструктом и позже — в 1930-е гг., благодаря концепции РАПП. В статье исследуется советский дискурс категории «метод» и ее коннотации с близкими понятиями, такими как, например, «методика» (относительно выстроенная последовательность действий). Опровергаются описания преподавательской деятельности художника-педагога через категорию «реализма» или любого другого направления, течения или стиля. В противовес им предлагаются категории метода и профессиональной традиции. Художественная школа рассматривается в качестве места обучения изобразительной грамоте, что отличает ее от литературоведческого понимания школы как группы авторов, объединенных общей стилистической установкой. Понятия «метод» и «стиль» дифференцируются с целью отойти от советского литературоведческого понимания «школы», оперировавшего концептом метода социалистического реализма, калькированного советским искусствознанием как «творческий метод».

The modern typologies of Euroscepticism, which are developed by researchers, are explored in the article. Among of the researchers are Paul Taggart, Alex Szczerbiak, Sofia Vasilopoulou, Søren Riishøj, Catharina Sørensen, Marcel Lubbers, and Peer Scheepers, Clive H. Church, and Alexandra Gissa. The author focuses on some of the problem aspects of the investigated typologies.For instance, the classic typology of Hard & Soft P. Taggart and A. Szczerbiak is too extensive and is considered to be partially obsolete because does not fully reflect the reality of contemporary Euroscepticism. S. Vasilopoulou admits a collision of the positions of the Eurosceptic parties when she described the "conditional" type of Euroscepticism: on the one hand, they approve of only intergovernmental cooperation at the EU level and do not recognize the supranational functions of its bodies. On the other hand, they are ready to accept the EU in the tighter and deeper form of existence – a confederation that unequivocally implies the presence of supranational bodies, joint defence and so on.The typology of S. Riishøj has no specific framework, according to which the logic of typologization would be understood. The researcher touches upon national societies, identities, geopolitics, political institutions, European institutions, and the notion of functional Eurorealism. As a result, this attempt demonstrates the scale of the reasons for the emergence of Euroscepticism, and then the possible variations of its types, but not vice versa. Similar contradictions exist in other analysed typologies of Euroscepticism.In addition, the author found out that most scholars form the typologies of Euroscepticism, using absolutely different criteria: the degree of opposition of the EU; causes of creation, attitude to the EU and European integration processes; attitude towards the EU membership; aspect of benefit (political/eco- nomic); on the basis of public, party and state discourses, etc.However, as it is stated in the article, in spite of such a variety of typologies and types of Euroscepticism, most of them have common content features: political, economic, and feature of principle.The author also formed two types of Euroscepticism – moderate and radical, based on a preliminary study of supporters of Euroscepticism in the UK, France, and Germany.According to the first type, Eurosceptics criticized and questioned activities of the EU, its institutions, etc., but they are ready to compromise on most of the controversial issues. Therefore, such Euroscepticism is usually constructive at the same time. According to the second type, Eurosceptics is more aggressive and, as a rule, uncompromisingly set against the idea of united Europe, the enlargement of the EU, the existence of a common currency and, in general, the membership of their country in it, and so on.The author concluded that, at present, there is no the only and generally accepted typology, which could be used constantly in exploring the phenomenon under study. The scientific search for the general typology of Euroscepticism continues. ; У статті досліджено сучасні типології євроскептицизму та проаналізовано їх дискусійні аспекти. З'ясовано, що практично всі типології євроскептицизму мають три спільні змістовні риси: політичну, економічну та рису принципової позиції. Також автор пропонує власну типологію євроскептицизму, відповідно до якої він виділяє радикальний і поміркований євроскептицизм.