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The Soviet Union is based on the idea of international communism. The State declares, in turn, its national state and its globalist vocation. Social expenditure will be preferred in the first case, military expenditure in the latter case. Social expenditure cannot be described in this way, because it is the Communist Party, which represents the people, which has the power and itself determines the income of each worker. There is no exploitation of the profession as in capitalist countries. This type of study involves making assumptions about Moscow's social expenditure, estimating military expenditure and then resolving a number of statistical obstacles. This econometric analysis highlights the existence of a unilateral relationship between social and military spending. The overall effects of social and military spending on large economic variables are often opposed. Military expenditure is partly dependent on developments in social benefits, highlighting the continued choice between the power economy and the welfare economy. ; International audience ; The Soviet Union is based on the idea of international communism. The State declares, in turn, its national state and its globalist vocation. Social expenditure will be preferred in the first case, military expenditure in the latter case. Social expenditure cannot be described in this way, because it is the Communist Party, which represents the people, which has the power and itself determines the income of each worker. There is no exploitation of the profession as in capitalist countries. This type of study involves making assumptions about Moscow's social expenditure, estimating military expenditure and then resolving a number of statistical obstacles. This econometric analysis highlights the existence of a unilateral relationship between social and military spending. The overall effects of social and military spending on large economic variables are often opposed. Military expenditure is partly dependent on developments in social benefits, highlighting the ...

El objetivo de este artículo es contribuir al estudio de la actividad administrativa en el ordenamiento jurídico de la Unión Europea. Aborda la definición y el régimen jurídico del acto administrativo europeo (o de la Unión Europea). Los actos administrativos que se dictan en el seno de los procedimientos administrativos europeos –esto es, procedimientos mediante los cuales las instituciones, organismos y agencias de la Unión Europea aplican el Derecho de la Unión– están sometidos a los requisitos derivados del Derecho de la Unión, los cuales se diferencian hasta cierto punto de los aplicables a los actos equivalentes en los ordenamientos jurídicos nacionales. En la jurisprudencia del Tribunal de Justicia ha ido tomando progresivamente forma un cuerpo de normas relativas al régimen jurídico de la actividad administrativa. La ausencia de una dogmática propia en materia de Derecho administrativo ha sido suplida en el ordenamiento jurídico de la Unión Europea mediante la comunitarización o europeización de conceptos y nociones consagrados en los sistemas jurídicos nacionales, tales como, por ejemplo, la presunción de validez o la noción de acto administrativo inexistente. En la jurisprudencia del Tribunal de Justicia se aprecia de todas formas una tendencia hacia la uniformización del régimen jurídico de todos los actos jurídicos vinculantes de la Unión. Aunque esta tendencia pueda tener apoyo en algunas disposiciones de los Tratados originarios, el artículo sostiene que una excesiva uniformización no haría justicia a la diferente naturaleza jurídica de, por un lado, los actos administrativos y, por otro, los actos normativos de la Unión.The aim of this article is to contribute to the study of administrative activity within the EU legal order. It deals with the definition and the legal regime of the EU administrative act. Administrative acts that result from EU administrative procedures –that is, procedures in which EU institutions, bodies and agencies implement EU law— are subject to general requirements of EU law that are differentiated to some extent from those of national legal orders. In the ECJ's case-law a set of rules concerning the legal treatment of administrative activity of the EU institutions has been progressively taking shape. The lack of an EU theory in the field of administrative law has been overcome by communitarizing concepts and notions well known in the national legal systems such as the presumption of validity or the notion of inexistence. Although the trend in the ECJ's case-law to uniformize the legal treatment concerning all EU binding acts has some grounds on the dispositions of the founding treaties, this articles argues that too much uniformization would not take into account the different nature of administrative acts, on the one hand, and of normative acts, on the other.

Background. Compulsory admission procedures of patients with mental disorders vary between countries in Europe. The Ethics Committee of the European Psychiatric Association (EPA) launched a survey on involuntary admission procedures of patients with mental disorders in 40 countries to gather information from all National Psychiatric Associations that are members of the EPA to develop recommendations for improving involuntary admission processes and promote voluntary care. Methods. The survey focused on legislation of involuntary admissions and key actors involved in the admission procedure as well as most common reasons for involuntary admissions. Results. We analyzed the survey categorical data in themes, which highlight that both medical and legal actors are involved in involuntary admission procedures. Conclusions. We conclude that legal reasons for compulsory admission should be reworded in order to remove stigmatization of the patient, that raising awareness about involuntary admission procedures and patient rights with both patients and family advocacy groups is paramount, that communication about procedures should be widely available in lay-language for the general population, and that training sessions and guidance should be available for legal and medical practitioners. Finally, people working in the field need to be constantly aware about the ethical challenges surrounding compulsory admissions. ; publishedVersion ; © The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the European Psychiatric Association This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Regulation is at the core of the policy design system in the European Community/European Union (EC/EU), & is much more important -- compared to other government functions -- there than at the national level. This is why any significant change in the philosophy & methods of EC regulation has great repercussions in the policy design system. Modifications of the institutional framework & of general political conditions in the EU produce immediate effects on the effectiveness of the EC's regulatory policies. Based on the discussion of three specific processes, the article illustrates this mutual dependency: the harmonization of national rules & regulations since the mid 1970s; the growing gap between increasingly complex regulatory tasks & an old fashioned administrative infrastructure; & the political & institutional consequences of the continuous parliamentarization of the European Commission. Adapted from the source document.

The report presents the results of macro-simulations of the consequences of different excise policy scenarios for 2018–2021 in two EAEU countries, Russia and Kazakhstan. Three scenarios are considered: (a) the low-taxation harmonization level and rate of growth proposed by the Eurasian Economic Commission; (b) the somewhat higher taxation harmonization option proposed by the Eurasian Economic Commission – here referred to as the "compromise" scenario; and (c) the high ("optimal") scenario of rapid excise growth, which is a scenario closest to the recommendations of the World Health Organization's Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (WHO FCTC) and the EU harmonization experience.

Highlights • European Union Blue Growth is assessed by set of 18 indicators for 15 EU coastal states. • The results put into question that the EU has achieved comprehensive blue growth. • Unsustainable development is in particular driven by increasing fishing mortality. Abstract The Sustainable Development Goal for the oceans and coasts (SDG 14) as part of the 2030 Agenda can be considered as an important step towards achieving comprehensive blue growth. Here, we selected a set of 18 indicators to measure progress against SDG 14 for 15 EU coastal countries in the Baltic and the North Sea and the Atlantic Ocean since 2012. In our assessment we distinguish between a concept of weak and strong sustainability, assuming high and low substitution possibilities, respectively. Our results indicate that there are countries which managed to achieve sustainable development under both concepts of sustainability (most notably Estonia, achieving the strongest improvement), but that there are also countries which failed to achieve sustainable development under both concepts (most notably Ireland and Belgium, experiencing the strongest decline). Unsustainable development is in particular driven by increasing fishing mortality and reduced willingness to set total allowable catch in accordance with scientific advice.

The applicable law to the International Contract of Distribution of the European Union presented a lot of difficulties under the application of the Rome Convention of 1980, subsequently this uniform legal norm required establishing the law applicable to the international contract, to identify the characteristic performance in such legal relationship. The characteristic performance of the distribution contract could not be determined in a uniform way, because some of the courts of the Estates which made part of it understood that it was carried out by the distributor, others maintained that is was the grantor of the merchandize, while others considered that this contract could not be established under characteristic performance theory. The Rome I Regulation from the European Union has made important modifications regarding determining the applicable law to this contract, since it has established in a rigid and direct way the norm of the habitual country of residence of the distributor for this legal relationship to be applied. The present paper pretends to analyze if the rigid determination of the law applicable to the distribution contract in the Regulation of the European Union Rome I, manages to solve interpretation roblems presented on the Rome Convention of 1980, bringing legal certainty through the foreseeable applicable law to the international contract. ; La ley aplicable al contrato internacional de distribución en la Unión Europea presentó muchas dificultades bajo la aplicación del Convenio de Roma de 1980, pues esta norma jurídica uniforme requería, para establecer la ley aplicable al contrato internacional, identificar la prestación característica de esa relación jurídica. La prestación característica del contrato de distribución no pudo ser determinada de manera uniforme, pues unos tribunales de los Estados parte entendían que la llevaba a cabo el distribuidor; otros sostenían que era el concedente de las mercancías; mientras que otros consideraban que a este contrato no podía establecérsele una prestación característica. El Reglamento Roma I de la Unión Europea ha hecho importantes modificaciones en cuanto a la determinación de la ley aplicable a este contrato, pues ha establecido de manera rígida y directa, que a esta relación jurídica le sea aplicable la ley de la residencia habitual del distribuidor. El presente artículo pretende analizar si la determinación rígida de la ley aplicable al contrato de distribución en el Reglamento de la Unión Europea Roma I logra solucionar los problemas interpretativos presentados en el Convenio de Roma de 1980, para otorgar seguridad jurídica mediante la previsibilidad de la ley aplicable al contrato internacional.

Purpose: To test the hypothesis of the relationship between the degree of business greening on the basis of a circular economy and indicators that determine the level of international tourism attractiveness of European countries in the context of sustainable tourism. Findings: The author puts forward a hypothesis about the existence of a stable relationship between the business greening degree, which based on the principles of a circular economy, and the level of tourist attractiveness of the country. Based on the analysis of the basic provisions of the circular economy concept and the principles of sustainable development, the author provides a theoretical substantiation of this relationship. The author testes the hypothesis by clustering European countries according to the Environmental Performance Index and, based on correlation analysis, determines a close relationship between economic and environmental indicators within each of the clusters. Calculations show that in some regions of Europe there is a positive impact of the spread of the circular economy on the intensification of migration flows to the country. Practical Implications: The results of the research can be used in the practice of international companies when justifying the feasibility of investments in circular projects and programs for the transition to environmental development of territories, as well as for public administration in the development of a positive tourist image of the country. Originality/Value: For the first time, the author proposes a methodological approach to assessing the tourist attractiveness of a country in the context of business greening based on a circular economy. Future Research: Image-making of territories based on a circular economy, systematization of world experience in tourist consumption greening, the formation of tourist clusters in countries with a high level of development of the circular economy. Paper type: Empirical

Abstract
This contribution explores the Visegrad Four's (V4) foreign policy initiatives in the Western Balkans by considering each state's interests and policies and the evolution of joint V4 objectives. My underlying hypothesis is that the foreign policy‑related behaviour of individual states is shaped by certain roles that they assume and by their national interests. This work uses role theory to explain the V4 states' foreign policies both generally and in the specific case of the Western Balkans. The V4 have prioritised cooperation with this region, and I analyse the programmes of the last four V4 presidencies (Slovakia 2014-2015, the Czech Republic 2015-2016, Poland 2016-2017 and Hungary 2017-2018) to reveal key foreign policy objectives and explore why they were selected. At the same time, I examine the interests of each V4 country and the reasons for their joint attention to the Western Balkan region. My analysis shows that the V4 perceive themselves as supportive and constructive EU and NATO members and see their policies as reflective of European values. Moreover, they believe they should contribute to EU enlargement by sharing experiences of economic and political transformation with the Western Balkan states and serving as role models.

Das Buch zeichnet das politische Ringen von Politikern und Ministerialbeamten, Richtern und Wissenschaftlern um eine Europäische Union seit dem Haager Europakongress 1948 bis zum Vertrag von Lissabon 2007 nach. Frank Schorkopf rekonstruiert das Projekt einer europäischen politischen Ordnung als ein Neben- und Miteinander von drei Denkströmungen, der Konstitutionalisten, Gouvernementalisten und Pragmatisten, in der die konstitutionelle Autorität unentschieden ist. In den sechzehn Kapiteln wird deutlich, dass die handelnden Personen zwar etwas Neues schaffen wollten, sich von ihren verfassungshistorischen Prägungen aber kaum lösen konnten und stets mit klassischen Fragen an eine Machtarchitektur konfrontiert wurden: nach Legitimation und Akzeptanz, nach Grundrechtsschutz und Identität.

There is a growing trend to limit the rights of intellectual property owners when the public interest warrants. Until very recently, this phenomenon has been manifested only at a transnational level.1 For example, the World Trade Organization, as recently as November 2001, in its Doha Agreement ("Doha"),2 enabled certain nations of the Asian and African subcontinents to obtain compulsory licenses to manufacture and distribute domestically certain anti-retroviral drugs by declaring a state of national health emergency. Doha raises an intriguing question: if limited intrusions into valuable intellectual property rights may be justified on public health grounds, should not such intrusions into intellectual property also be tolerated, and indeed encouraged, in order to safeguard other public interests, in particular, the maintenance of competition? There is currently a stormy debate on both sides of the Atlantic as to whether compulsory licensing, on antitrust grounds, is an appropriate means of breaking monopolies that owe their existence, to a large extent, to the ownership of valuable intellectual property. In the European Union, the question is not whether the European Commission ("Commission") and European Courts support the notion of compulsory licensing on antitrust grounds, but rather how far these institutions are willing to go to defend competition against the interests of intellectual property owners.

Der Verfasser diagnostiziert eine Krisensituation in der EU, deren Ausdruck er in einer dreifachen Lücke, in einer dreifachen wachsenden Kluft der tatsächlichen Lage im Vergleich zu dem, was nötig erscheint, sieht. Dabei handelt es sich um eine Zustimmungslücke: Es schwindet der so genannte permissive Konsens, die diffuse, nicht von spezifischen Ereignissen oder Leistungen abhängige Akzeptanz des EU-Systems. Diese Erosion ist seit den Debatten um die Ratifikation des Vertrags von Maastricht greifbar und im Grunde erst auf diese lange Sicht erkennbar. Ein weiterer Ausdruck der Krise wird in der Bedeutungslücke gesehen: Die Erosion des permissiven Konsenses hat nicht nur die medialen Beobachter ergriffen, sondern auch die politische Klasse. In ihren Kreisen wirkt sich mangelnde Zustimmung in der Öffentlichkeit als Veränderung in der Zuweisung von Bedeutung aus. In der informellen institutionellen Hierarchie nimmt das Gewicht der europäischen Politik als Handlungsebene ab. Indizien dafür sind der nachlassende Respekt vor den europäischen Institutionen im Kreis mitgliedsstaatlicher politischer Akteure einerseits und die zunehmend national definierten europapolitischen Prioritäten staatlicher Politik andererseits. Erst die Lücke macht den Stellenwert der Bedeutungszuweisung sichtbar. Als ein weiterer Ausdruck der Krise in der EU wird die sog. Projektionslücke thematisiert. Dabei handelt es sich um eine Schwäche europapolitischer Ambitionen. Größere Ziele und Programme zu initiieren oder gemeinsam zu beschließen hält die Union auf eine Weise zusammen, die nicht durch das Gemeinschaftsrecht, das Wirken und Walten der Kommission oder die Direktwahl des Europäischen Parlaments ersetzt werden kann. Denn diese Ziele binden die Politik der Staaten und ihre wesentlichen Akteure an die Union - europapolitische Ambitionen rücken die EU auf einen der oberen Plätze der jeweiligen politischen Agenda. Unter den zahlreichen Ursachen und Auslösern der Krise werden drei Schwächepunkte hervorgehoben: die Kommunikationsschwäche, die Führungsschwäche und die Willensschwäche. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden mögliche Entwicklungsstrategien zur Diskussion gestellt. (ICG)