Suchergebnisse

У статті розглянуті умови для створення регіональної системи національної безпеки в Центральній Азії в пострадянський період. Акцентовано на появі в регіоні нових політичних гравців першого ешелону - США, ЄС, КНР, а також другого ешелону - Туреччини, Ірану, Індії, Пакистану. Простежена роль названих країн у забезпеченні регіональної політичної та економічної стабільності. Досліджені наявні регіональні загрози, які мають глобальний характер, й описані їхні характерні особливості для кожної з нових центральноазіатських незалежних держав. Зроблено висновки про неспроможність країн центральноазіатського регіону самостійно протистояти сучасним геополітичним викликам. ; В статье рассмотрены условия образования региональной системы безопасности в Центральной Азии в постсоветский период. Акцентировано внимание на выходе на геополитический простор центральноазиатского региона новых политических игроков первого эшелона - США, ЕС, КНР, а также второго эшелона - Турции, Ирана, Индии, Пакистана и других. Проанализирована роль перечисленных стран в процессе обеспечения политической и экономической стабильности. Исследованы существующие региональные угрозы глобального характера, описаны их особенности для каждой страны Центральной Азии. Сделаны выводы о том, что страны центральноазиатского региона не могут самостоятельно сопротивляться современным геополитическим вызовам. ; The conditions for development of a regional system of national security in Central Asia in the post-Soviet period are reviewed in a new geopolitical context. The emergence in the region of new political actors of the first echelon - the USA, the European Union and the People's Republic of China as well as the second echelon - Turkey, the Islamic republic of Iran, India and Pakistan is emphasized. The role of the above countries in ensuring political and economic security is traced. The regional integration situation is analyzed. Available regional threats, some of them of global nature, are looked into, their characteristic features described for each New Independent State. Interstate conflicts and their resolution potentiality in the current situation are investigated. The unity of the region in combatting international terrorism and extremism is pointed out. Regional threats which endanger the West are identified. Special attention is given to politicization of Islam, radical fundamentalism and their belligerent manifestations which took place in Central Asia. The membership of Central Asian countries in such security-focused interstate organizations as the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as well as relations with the UN and the NATO are laid stress on. A great military and technical dependence of the armed forces of Central Asian countries on the Russian factor is pointed out. Some facts of the geopolitical confrontation between Russia, the EU, the USA and China are referred to. Conclusions are drawn as to incapability of countries of the Central Asian region to stand up to current geopolitical challenges on their own and the lack of a regional security system. The necessity of multi-vector foreign policy as a form of guarantee against external aggression is brought into focus.

Стаття присвячена розкриттю значення та впливу "палестинського питання" на англо-американську дипломатію в повоєнний час (1945-1948 рр.). Зазначається, що ця проблема була основною причиною погіршення англо-американських відносин на Близькому Сході в 1945-1948 рр. і стала предметом торгу між сторонами на світовій політичній арені. ; The paper reviews the 'Palestinian issue' in Anglo-American diplomacy after the end of World War II (1945-1948). The author examines activities of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry on Palestine and reveals the nature of Anglo-American controversy as to the Palestinian issue for the purpose.The operation of the above Committee resulted in identification of principles of the future structure of Palestine, which implied equitable coexistence of the Arabs and the Jews within one territory controlled by Great Britain, with two autonomous provinces to be subsequently set up under the control of the High Commissioner of Palestine. Since neither the principles developed by the Committee nor the follow-up plans on settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict were never implemented due to sharp criticism of both countries participating in the settlement, resolution of the Palestinian issue was referred to the competence of the UNO in1947. Anew Commission was set up, which comprised representatives of neutral states, who put forward a so-called 'plan of the majority' (which implied a partition of Palestine, based on setting up an Economic Union and turning Jerusalem into an international zone) and a 'plan of the minority' (a federal structure of Palestine, with its capital in Jerusalem, in a plan of three year transition period).The paper examines the political confrontation of the USA and Great Britain as to those plans, which came to an end in November 1947 when the UNO adopted a resolution on the rights of both peoples who lived in Palestine to set up two independent states.By pointing out the complexity and contradictoriness of the Palestine issue in the Anglo-American relations, the author concludes that a constant cause of the split-up between the USA and Great Britain was the loss by London of a decisive role in the global balance of military and political forces. Further, in pursuing their pragmatic objectives, both countries themselves often provoked large-scale Arab-Israeli conflicts, thus departing far from the official goal of their 'settlement'. ; Статья посвящена раскрытию значения и влияния "палестинского вопроса" на англо-американскую дипломатию в послевоенное время (1945-1948 гг.). Указывается, что данная проблема была основной причиной ухудшения англо-американских отношений на Ближнем Востоке в 1945-1948 годах и стала предметом торга между сторонами на мировой политической арене.

Статья посвящена категоризации преступлений, ее влиянию на нормы уголовного права, регулирующие систему наказаний. Отмечаются недостатки существующей категоризации. Автор предлагает изменить подход к построению нормы ст. 15 УК РФ, сделав категоризацию преступлений трехчленной, положив в основу деления преступлений на категории типовую санкцию, включив в нее все существующие виды уголовных наказаний, а не только лишение свободы. Это позволит оценивать общественную опасность конкретного состава преступления в Особенной части УК РФ только указанием на ту или иную категорию преступления, упростит решение ряда проблем при применении замены наказания, обратной силы уголовного закона, даст возможность унифицировать оценку опасности деяний. ; The paper considers the categorization of crimes, its impact on the criminal law standards that regulate the system of penalties. Some disadvantages of the existing system of punishment, its gaps, elements that do not ensure effective implementation of the purposes of the system are described. Shortcomings of the categorization fixed in the current criminal legislation are given. The author proposes a new approach to the construction of standards in Article 15 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation ("Categories of Crime") by making crimes categorization tripartite depending on the type of sanctions applied, and by including all types of criminal penalties fixed in Article 44 of the Criminal Code of the RF, not only imprisonment. In the author's opinion, when categorizing the legislator unreasonably prefers imprisonment as a criterion of division. This preference is due to the long tradition of the law enforcer in sentencing, the availability of imprisonment in most of the sanctions of provisions of the Special Part of the Criminal Code of the RF, the virtually unchanged content of this form of punishment, and other reasons. Meanwhile, the very sign of "blameworthiness" of the crime is not limited to imprisonment. The proposed system will avoid "distortions" in assessing the gravity of crimes by various types of punishment. It will diverge from a popular, but false, opinion, according to which the basic principles of the system of penalties is the location of punishment in Article 44 of the Criminal Code of the RF from less to more repressive; it will assess the danger of an offense to the public in the Special Part of the Criminal Code of the RF by indicating the category of the crime. It will facilitate solving a number of problems connected with cases of substitution of punishment, criminal law retroactivity application; it will help standardize assessment of the danger of criminal acts and simplify solution of other problems. The author notes that some types of punishment, other than imprisonment, are partially "attributed" to crime categories in the current legislation in relation to death penalty, life imprisonment, arrest, forced labor, compulsory labor, deprivation of special, military or honorary title, class rank, or State awards, and fines.

There were attempts to develop the defence cooperation between the Nordic states often were interrupted by one or two of the Nordic states. The end of the Cold War opened up opportunities for new defence projects. But the Nordic defence identities which were shaped since the Second World War, remained the same. Therefore, Nordic states had to wait for 20 years for the new common defence cooperation initiative to emerge. Still it is not clear whether it will be successful, because the success of cooperation in the field of defence development depends not only on the overlap of parties' interests, objectives, threats, security, but also on the compatibility of their defence identities compatibility. The object of this paper is the common elements of defence identities of the Nordic states, and the possibility for them to ally. The aim of this paper aim is to distinguish the characteristic features of defence identities of the Nordic states. To achieve the aim the following goals are settled: to define the concept of the defence identity, highlight its essential elements and analytical variables on the basis of constructivist theory of international relations; to single out and examine the essential variables of the defence identities of he Nordic states; to analyze the similarities and differences between defence identities of the Nordic states, to assess the favor on the development of cooperation in the field of defence, and the possibility to construct a collective Nordic defence identity. The hypothesis of this paper proposes that the current defence identities of the Nordic sates are too different to be able to form a collective Nordic defence identity. Whereas the analysis is performed on cultural variables, it is difficult to measure the exact values, therefore only those variables that have implications for collective identity formation and development of defence cooperation are considered. In accordance with logic of constructivism defence identity is a behavioural models, concepts, and expectations related to the use of the military instrument. The main variables that indicate the nature of defence identity are the perception of threats, the goals for the use of force, the way in which force used, preferred mode of cooperation, threshold for domestic and international authorisation, foreign policy objectives and preferred partners in defence cooperation. The opportunities of collective defence identity formation are reflected in the meanings of these variables. The compatibility of the defence identities of the Nordic states is high enough for successful collective defence identity formation. However, the differences of defence identities have a significant negative impact on the successful development of cooperation. Collective Nordic defence identity will not be formed without strong institutions of defence cooperation.

Our age has confronted no greater ethical, political and institutional challenge than ensuring the protection of civilians, as victims of both war and of mass atrocity crimes. Awareness of the problem of civilian protection is growing and has been accompanied by a much greater evident willingness -- at least in principle -- to do something about it. New paradigms for a new century Two normative advances in this area are, first, the dramatically upgraded attention given since 1999 to the law and practice relating to the protection of civilians (POC) in armed conflict; and, second, the emergence in 2001, and far-reaching global embrace since 2005, of the concept of the responsibility to protect (R2P). There is now more or less universal acceptance of the principles that state sovereignty is not a licence to kill but entails a responsibility not to do or allow grievous harm to one's own people. The international community also bears a responsibility to assist those states that need and want help in meeting that obligation, and a responsibility to take timely and decisive collective action in accordance with the UN Charter. Libya and its aftermath UN Security Council Resolution 1973, authorizing military intervention in Libya to halt what was seen as an imminent massacre, was a resounding demonstration of these principles at work, and seemed to set a new benchmark against which all future arguments for such intervention might be measured. However, the subsequent implementation of that mandate led to the reappearance of significant geopolitical divisions. The Security Council's paralysis over Syria during the course of 2011, culminating in the veto by Russia and China of a cautiously drafted condemnatory resolution, has raised the question, in relation to the sharp-end implementation of R2P, of whether Resolution 1973 would prove to be the high-water mark from which the tide will now retreat. The future for civilian protection The crucial question is whether the new geopolitics of intervention that appeared to have emerged with Resolution 1973 is in fact sustainable, or whether, as suggested by the subsequent response to the situation in Syria, a more familiar, and more cynical, geopolitics will in fact reassert itself. This author takes the optimistic view that the new normative commitment to civilian protection is alive and well, and that, in the aftermath of the intervention in Libya, the world has been witnessing not so much a major setback for a new cooperative approach as the inevitable teething troubles associated with the evolution of any major new international norm. The Brazilian 'responsibility while protecting' initiative, focusing on clearer criteria for and more effective monitoring of the use of force, offers a constructive way forward. Adapted from the source document.

В статье дан краткий ретроспективный обзор появления политических разногласий в мусульманской умме, необходимый для понимания генезиса неоднородности политической сферы «мира ислама». При этом ислам представлен как социальное обоснование философских проблем арабского социума. Предложена периодизация эволюции политических отношений в мусульманской умме. ; The article represents a short retrospective review on the origin of political disagreements in Muslim Ummah. This is essential for understanding the genesis of diversity in the political sphere of 'the world of Islam'. According to this approach Islam itself is the social justification of philosophical problems in Arabic society. The author points to the fact that political diversity of 'the world of Islam' appeared at the earliest stages of Islamic history and offers the division into periods of the evolution of the political history of the Muslim Ummah. So, the 1st stage is the period of activity of the Prophet Mohammed and the first two caliphs, Abu Bakr and Omar (610-644). In this period Islam was formed more as a political institution, which had as its goal the building up of Muslim society on the basis of the Divine revelations given to the Prophet Mohammed. At this stage the socio-economic basis of the Muslim state was laid as the crucial element of the political sphere. This was the only historic period of unity of Islam as a religious and political doctrine. The 2nd stage was the period of the reign of the third caliph Uthman and the fourth and last holy caliph Ali (644-661). It is characterized by the biggest splits within Islam, the appearance of political parties, by the retreat from the Sunni orthodoxy and by the 1st military conflict in the Islamic world. The 3rd stage began with the reign of the Umayyad Caliphate (661-750). It was characterized by a U-turn in Islamic ideology caused by a difference in the interpretations of some ideas in Islam by the participants of the political process, whose aim was to hold onto power. This stage was characterized by the activities of the so-called Wahhabis. The 4th stage was the disintegration of the world colonial system and the beginning of the national movement for liberation against external enemies and against existing forms of social relations. All those social movements had, indeed, religious forms and their very own division into periods. The specific feature of the 4th stage was the intensification of the ideas of reformation in Islam, especially those ones which were connected with socio-economic and political realities. The 5th stage (the second half of the 20th century) was characterized by strengthening the political position of Islam as a result of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The 6th stage includes the process of formation of the international Islamic organizations.

The clashes in the ethnic regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia are not only about Georgia's territorial integrity. Moreover, when analyzed from a different perspective, it becomes clear that the ethnic problems in the region are not only an issue between the ethnic groups and the central government. The ethnic problems in Georgia also depend on a change in the perception of the external actors' interests. This means that when the solution to problems coincided with the interests of the international actors, Georgia was able to solve the problem, as in the case of Ajaria. However, when the solution contradicted the interests of the international actors the clashes could not be resolved and the Georgian government was ineffective, as in the cases of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The clashes determined not only the domestic policy of the Georgian government and the country's social and economic development, but also Georgia's foreign policy. Consequently, in order to strengthen its position and maintain its territorial integrity, Georgia shifted to the EU-U.S. axis in order to counterbalance Russia, which supported the ethnic minorities in the region. So it was argued that the democratic breakthrough in Georgia in 2003 happened because the local activists appealed to EU norms and standards and because they received strong support from the EU and its member states. Moreover, the EU supported the multilateral efforts to constrain the use of force through arms control and disarmament initiatives and provided financial and technical assistance to projects aimed at combating the accumulation and spread of small arms in Georgia and South Ossetia. The EU set up a rule-of-law operation in Georgia, the EUJUST Themis operation (July 2004), which was not a military mission. Georgia views its relations with the EU as an economic and political partnership that will culminate in EU membership in due course. In 2004, the EU and NATO expanded into the former Soviet expanse. The Russians regarded NATO membership of the Baltic countries as an encroachment on the country's traditional periphery. The Russian leadership was alarmed by the West's active support of the regime change in Georgia. The West was keenly interested in Russia's own neighborhood. As the primary Western security organization, NATO epitomizes Russia's insecurities. The first part of the study describes the theoretical framework of governance and explains the management, coordination, and regulation procedures practiced by the security-related international institutions. The second part discusses the Georgian crisis and its historical background, to provide a better understanding of the crisis, and analyzes the interests of the international actors that triggered the crisis. The third part takes a look at the programs being implemented by international institutions with respect to Georgia. The concluding part evaluates the roles and impact of the international institutions during the crisis.

Light is mobilised as a symbol with positive value so ubiquitously that it can seem almost universally and timelessly 'Good.' Yet the purposes to which light's widespread association with truth, justice and order is put reveal widespread abuse. This thesis investigates the extent to which the symbol of light in western traditions can be seen to stand for ecologically harmful ways of life and beliefs. Behind this history is the idea that light might enjoy a true home elsewhere, other than earth, and that therefore human loyalty to light's positive qualities does not necessitate appropriate fidelity to our home here. Yet a powerful paradox operates at the heart of this 'looking away,' such that the contemporary western (and westernised) individual is enculturated into a habit of desacralised consumption. We assert transcendence over the earth even while we eat our way through it, that is to say, benefiting from corporeality while damaging the conditions upon which our lives depend. Paradoxically, while the globalising hegemony of materialistic consumption grounds us here on earth, it does so with a transcendental aim in mind, and this desire to master the earth reveals our inability to feel truly at home here. Thus light is construed, according to its contemporary deployment, to symbolise a yearned-for state of transcendence best recognised as an eternal feasting in the halls of immortality. This mythic quest is deeply ensconced within the psyche of not only the west but in many varieties of settlement civilisation. My investigation thus seeks to uncover moments of continued influence, in the institutionalisation and maintenance of this luminescent effulgence, across the ten millennia-long history of a shared mythic infrastructure. It concludes that light's symbolic value can be seen as having a damaging influence, in terms of human relations with the earth, to the extent that it holds out a hope of transcendence in an 'eternal elsewhere' independent of material conditions here. It is my argument that capitalism and its commodity fetish maintain this vain hope. The 'eternal elsewhere' is theorised to arise, in a particular form, with the growth in the relatively new way of organising human society, that of settlement civilisation. This way of life entails the rise of centralised political and military power, often on behalf of a solar god of universal might, an idea today extended into a global hegemony of capital and a materialised light of consumption. This thesis highlights many of the ways in which this anthropocentrism is manifest as a way of life. In the final analysis, however, the capacity for transformation encoded in western mythopoeia offers hope and this can be represented with new construals of the symbol of light.

Die Arbeit gibt anfangs einen Überblick über die Charakteristika der menschlichen Sicherheit und geht auf menschliche Sicherheit und Menschenrechte ein.Es folgt die Analyse der Europäischen Sicherheitsstrategie (ESS) und des Berichts über die Umsetzung der ESS. Die ESS stellte den Ausgangspunkt für den 2004 präsentierten Barcelona-Bericht dar, welcher Prinzipien der menschlichen Sicherheit vorstellt. Der drei Jahre später vorgestellte Madrid-Bericht schlägt die Schaffung einer Deklaration menschlicher Sicherheitsprinzipien vor und präsentiert außerdem Schritte, wie menschliche Sicherheit in ESVP-Operationen umgesetzt werden kann. Es soll schließlich die Frage beantwortet werden, welche Reaktionen es auf diese beiden Berichte gegeben hat. Es wird in diesem Kapitel auf die Wechselbeziehung zwischen menschlicher Sicherheit und Geschlechtergleichheit eingegangen. Die Notwendigkeit von Geschlechtergleichheit und infolgedessen von Gender Mainstreaming (GM) wird auf europäischer Ebene erkannt, weshalb immer öfter Gender Advisor (GA) in ESVP-Missionen eingesetzt werden. Weitere Konsequenz des Bewusstseins über die Wichtigkeit von Geschlechtergleichheit ist die Verabschiedung für die ESVP relevanter Dokumente. Diese und weitere Dokumente, welche Themen menschlicher Sicherheit betreffen, werden analysiert. In den vorgestellten Dokumenten werden größtenteils Schritte zur Implementierung der darin enthaltenen Vorschläge präsentiert. Um die genannten Schritte zur Implementierung menschlicher Sicherheit geht es im Teil über die Operative Praxis in Missionen im Rahmen der ESVP. ; First of all the paper gives a short overview of the origin human security and the relation between human rights and human security is analysed. The next part of the paper starts with the European Security Strategy (ESS) and the report about the implementation of the ESS. Reactions to the ESS and the report about the implementation of the ESS are analysed. The ESS poses the initial point for the Barcelona Report, which explains why human security is of concern for Europe and proposes steps to implement the ESS. The Madrid-Report proposes a declaration of principals of human security as well as concrete steps to implement human security in ESDP-Operations. Besides, the analysis of the interrelation between human security and gender equality is part of the chapter. At the european level, there has been raising awareness of the need of gender equality and gender mainstreaming. Hence more often gender advisor (GA) are introduced in ESDP-Missions. But what are the exact functions and the main challenges for a GA? This question is to be answered in this part of the chapter. Another consequence of the growing awareness of the necessity of gender equality is the launching of relevant documents for the ESDP. Other documents, concerning topics of human security, have been launched. They should all be analysed in order to get to know the concrete steps presented to implement these documents into ESDP.The last part of the paper targets at answering the question, if one can speak about operationalization of human security in missions in the framework of ESDP. Three different missions are examined, namely the Monitoring Mission in Aceh/ Indonesia, the military Mission Eufor Tchad/RCA and the Rule of Law Mission Eulex/ Kosovo. ; von Lisa Schubert-Zsilavecz ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2009 ; (VLID)207766

La inseguridad es uno de los mayores desafíos al que se enfrentan los gobernantes en América Latina. Este problema avanza desde una visión sectorial en los años ochenta hacia una visión transversal a partir de los noventa. Esto implica una evolución de su concepto; desde su consideración como una cuestión de seguridad de Estado de competencia policial y militar hacia la "seguridad humana", concepto multidimensional que contempla el desarrollo humano y la satisfacción de necesidades. En Argentina la inseguridad se agrava desde la crisis social y económica y es parte de la agenda política debido a los constantes reclamos de la sociedad. Sin embargo, con el transcurrir de los años se puede observar la imposibilidad de las gestiones gubernamentales de hacerle frente. Es por ello que en este trabajo se plantea la relación entre la seguridad humana y el Ordenamiento Territorial a través de la evaluación de la habitabilidad, enfoque que permite operacionalizar el concepto de seguridad de forma integradora y transversal. Para el desarrollo del trabajo se utiliza un caso de estudio: el piedemonte del Gran Mendoza. Se parte de la construcción de una metodología de análisis que permite espacializar los datos y de un sistema de variables e indicadores para medir la habitabilidad en términos de la seguridad humana. ; The insecurity is one of the major problems which the leaders face in Latin America. This problem advances from a sectorial vision in the eighties towards a transverse vision from the nineties. This involves an evolution in the meaning of this concept; from its consideration as a safety problem of State of police and military competition, towards the "human safety", multidimensional concept that contemplates the human development and the satisfaction of basic needs. In Argentina it is a problem that worsens from the social and economic crisis and is a report of the political agenda due to the constant claims of the society. Nevertheless, with to pass of the years can observe the impossibility of the governmental negotiations in facing him. In this work appears the relation between the human safety and the Territorial Planning across the evaluation of the habitability, approach that allows evaluate the safety concept of integration and transverse form. For the development of the work a case of study is in use: the Piedemonte of Great Mendoza. It splits of the construction of a methodology of spatial analysis information and of a system of variables and indicators that measures the habitability in terms of the human safety. ; Fil: D'Inca, Verónica. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto de Investigación y Formación para el Ordenamiento Territorial

ÖZET1980 yılında, 12 Eylül askeri müdahalesi sadece Türkiye'deki sosyal ve siyasi yapıyıdegil, medyayı da etkilemistir. Özellikle Turgut Özal hükümetleri tarafındanuygulamaya konan neo-liberal politikalar yeni ekonomik ve sosyal yapıyı etkilemistir.Ayrıca, 1980'li yılların baslarından itibaren baslayan neo-liberal sosyal ve ekonomikdegisimler nedeniyle, Türk medyası, özellikle de basın, sosyal sorumluluk prensibindengiderek uzaklasmaya baslamıstır. Bu dönemde Türk medyasında, köse yazarlarıarasındaki entelektüel polemikler, arastırmacı gazetecilik ve fikir gazeteciligi, magazingazeteciligi ile yer degistirmistir. Dahası, medyanın sahiplik yapısındaki degisimolgusu, Türkiye'deki neo-liberal dönüsümün sonuçlarından biridir. 1950'li yıllardanitibaren birçok Türk isadamının pekçok gazete satın almıs olmasına karsın, 1980'lerinsonu ve 1990'ların baslarından itibaren sermayenin genis ölçüde medya sektörünegirmesinden bahsetmek mümkündür. Bu noktada, Basbakan Turgut Özal'ın isadamıAsil Nadir'i, Günaydın ve Günes gibi gazeteleri satın alması konusundacesaretlendirdigini söylemek gereklidir. Medyadaki diger bir önemli gelisme de basınisletmelerinin, 1990'lı yıllarda medya holdinglerine dönüsmesidir. Türk isadamlarınıngazete, dergi satın alıp özel televizyon kanalları kurmaları, yogun tekellesmeegilimlerine neden olmustur. Bu durum medya ve siyaset arasındaki iliskiyi etkilemistir.Ardından, medya isletmeleri artık özel sirketler gibi yönetilmeye baslamıstır. Vehükümete yönelik olarak, televizyon kanallarının yayın politikaları ile gazetelerinyayımcılık politikalarında medya patronlarının hükümetten ekonomik çıkar saglamalarıönemli ve belirleyici bir unsur olmustur. ABSTRACTIn 1980, the 12 September military intervention not only affected social and politicalstructure, but also madia and its structure in Turkey. Especially the neo-liberal policieswhich were put in practice by Turgut Özal's governments influenced new economic andsocial structure. Besides, because of the neo-liberal social and economic policiesbeginning from the early 1980s, Turkish media, especially the press, drew from itssocial responsibility concept. In this era, intellectual polemics between the columnists,investigative and opinion journalism were replaced by the magazine coverage in themedia. Furthermore, the phenomenon of the changes in the media ownership was alsoone of the results of the neo-liberal transformation in Turkey. Although some Turkishbusinessmen purchased several newspapers since the 1950s, it can be argued that asfrom the late 1980s and early 1990s, the business capital widely penetrated into themedia. Here, it is important to underline that Turgut Özal, the Prime Minister,encouraged Asil Nadir to purchase various newspapers such as Günaydın and Günes.Another important development in the media was that the media managements turnedinto the media holdings during the 1990s. That Turkish businessmen purchasednewspapers, magazines, even founded television channels caused a huge monopolistictrends. This circumstance influenced the relations betwen media and the politics. Thenmedia corporations were now started to be managed as the business companies. And, inthe broadcasting policies of the television channels or publishing policies of thenewspapers towards the government, media bosses' attempt of gaining economicbenefit from the government became a determinant element.

The article introduces the Lithuanian stress coping assessment method. The lack of stress coping assessment methods adapted for the Lithuanian population fostered its composition. The method was constructed using the strategy of empirical scale development. The research was carried out in three stages. In the first and second stages, statements were selected from various stress coping questionnaires (WCQ, COPE, CISS etc.) and classified using the mathematical model of explanatory factor analysis. In the first stage, the original list consisting of 167 statements was submitted to 178 participants of the study. In the second stage, the list consisting of 90 statements was submitted to 147 participants. The participants were students of Vilnius University and the General Jonas Žemaitis Military Academy of Lithuania, average age – 20.4 years. On the basis of mathematical criteria and semantic analysis of the statements, the number of the statements was reduced to 24 in the final version of the questionnaire; 4 factors were xtracted: social support, problem solving, emotional discharge, avoidance. 208 participants took part in the third stage of the study, during which some psychometrical characteristics of the questionnaire were assessed. It was established that these four factors explain for 47.93 per cent of data dispersion. The following indexes of scales reliability (Cronbach's alpha) were found: social support (α = 0.832), problem solving (α = 0.760), emotional discharge (α = 0.721), avoidance (α = 0.624). Confirmatory factor analysis data indicate a satisfactory suitability of the model of four factors (Chi-Square = 140.81; RMSEA = 0.055; GFI = 0.89; CFI = 0.87; NNFI = 0.84).While composing the questionnaire, the problem of optimal balance was encountered between choosing a good method in the sense of content and a method distinctive characterized by good psychometrical characteristics. There is a plan in the future to verify the psychometrical characteristic of the composed stress coping assessment method on the basis of data of a more representative sample, to assess the relation of the questionnaire to the other methods of stress coping and to improve separate scales of the questionnaire, especially those dealing with the factor of avoidance. ; Straipsnyje pristatoma lietuviška streso įveikos vertinimo metodika. Ji sudaryta naudojant empirinę skalių konstravimo strategiją. Darbas atliktas trimis etapais. Pirmuose dviejuose, panaudojus aiškinamosios aktorinės analizės matematinį modelį, pradinis teiginių skaičius – 167 buvo sumažintas iki 24, jie priskirti keturiems faktoriams: socialinės paramos, problemų sprendimo, emocinės iškrovos ir vengimo. Trečiojo tyrimo etapo metu įvertintos kai kurios klausimyno psichometrinės savybės. Nustatyta, kad išskirti faktoriai paaiškina 47,93 proc. duomenų dispersijos. Gauti tokie skalių vidinio suderinamumo (Cronbacho α rodikliai: socialinė parama (α = 0,832), problemų sprendimas (α = 0,760), emocinė iškrova (α = 0,721), vengimas (α = 0,624). Patvirtinančiosios faktorinės analizės rezultatai rodo patenkinamą pasirinkto keturių faktorių modelio tinkamumą: Chi-Square = 140,81; RMSEA = 0,055; GFI = 0,89; CFI = 0,87; NNFI = 0,84.

La complejidad del poblamiento en zonas de frontera como el valle del Tajo durante la Edad Media dio como resultado una serie de modelos para la repoblación y el centro del territorio, que en ocasiones van a ser elementos heredados de la etapa islámica: por lo que respecta a la Marca Media, y en concreto el alfoz de Talavera (Medina Talabira) se caracteriza por la presencia de determinados enclaves con equipamientos de torres (al-bury y furris) que a modo de bastiones fortificados van a suponer un recurso defensivo en el inestable siglo XII, sometido a frecuentes acometidas de las invasiones norteafhcanas -almorávides y almohades-. Estas torres, junto a las atalayas o almenaras de la tierra talaverana, y los recintos fortificados como Vascos o la misma Talavera, y los husun como Castres, Alija o Espejel, etc. configuraron un paisaje rural dominado por una red de fortalezas de distinta categorías y diversas funcionalidades. Esos enclaves pasarán a la Baja Edad Media, una vez pasada la etapa de militarización, a convertirse en centros en torno a tos cuales se forjarán casasfuertes o alquerías de señores y pobladores de la tierra de Talavera. El análisis de las evidencias arqueológicas junto a los datos documentales bajomedievales nos permite esbozar una teoría acerca de un modelo reconvertido de asentamiento rural que será utilizado para la repoblación de esta comarca del occidente toledano.The complesity of the colonization in frontier area, like the Tajo Valley during the Middle Ages, resulted in a series of models for repopulation and the territory control which area going to be occasionally inherited elemente of the islamic stage, in relation to Middle Mark, and specifically the Talavera's suburb (Medina Talabira) it is typical because of the certain places with towers (al-bury and Turris) that, as a fortified bastions, will mean a defensive resource in unstable 12th century, when it often happened many Northafricain invasions (almoravides and almohades). These towers, as well as the wachttowers in the Talavera's territory, and the fortified areas like Vascos or Talavera itsame, and the husun like Castros, Alija or Espejel, formed a rural landscape that was dominated by a fortress system of diferent categories and several functions. Once the military stage was finished in the low Middle Ages, those places will because centres where fort-houses will be built as well as farmhouses belonging to landlords in Talavera's territory. The analysis of archeological evidences as well as same pieces of information in medieval documents let us focus on a theory about a restructural model of rural establishment that will be used for the repopulation in this región in west of Toledo.

This book describes and documents the development of Danish support to national liberation in Southern Africa and the two-sided humanitarian and political character of this support. It is based on previously restricted Danish ministry records and on NGO archives and interviews.The Nordic countries were unique in the Western world in their support to individuals, organisations and refugees, struggling to end institutionalised colonialism and racism and alleviate their humanitarian consequences. Nordic support was humanitarian and civilian, and to a large extent was given to refugees and to education. Increasingly, it came to involve national liberation movements and financial support to their civilian activities, at a time when these movements were politically and militarily struggling against the regimes in their countries-including the government of Portugal, a NATO military partner of Norway and Denmark.Danish support developed differently from that of the other Nordic countries. Official support was never given directly to liberation movements. Rather, Danish NGOs were employed to advise on Danish allocations and to distribute these allocations and carry out activities, using their own capacity or through their international networks. In the field of sanctions, Denmark shifted from a policy of awaiting a UN Security Council decision to imposing unilateral trade sanctions as the first Western country to do so, and the book analyses the political developments behind this.The study seeks to determine the events, rationales, arguments and decisions that led to the various forms of Danish support. Key questions are how Danish support was established as a purely humanitarian facility that later developed into supporting also the liberation movements, and how boycott was first considered to be an issue for the individual but eventually became national, official policy. The study seeks to describe why support and sanctions developed in the way and at the pace they did. Major factors involved were Danish public awareness of developments in Southern Africa, domestic political debates and mobilisation through NGOs.This focus on processes of change has been necessary in a field of Danish foreign relations that during the course of the research was recognised as being a very wide as well as a very interesting one. As a new field of research, and with the majority of the sources never having been studied before, this study has an aim to provide a platform for other researchers, journalists and students. Hopefully it will inspire others to investigate the whole issue further-or to consider it in a different perspective. ; CONTENTS -- OUT OF ANONYMITY: THE APARTHEID APPROPRIATION -- TO OR 'THROUGH'? DENMARK SUPPORTING NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENTS -- 1974: POLITICAL STRUGGLE AND STALEMATE -- SANCTIONS: DENMARK'S SHIFT FROM HESITANT TO DECISIVE -- TRENDS AND CONCLUSIONS

[ES] A partir del reinado de Felipe II, la política fiscal de la Corona en relación a la sal entró en contradicción con algunos de los usos, costumbres y privilegios detentados por las provincias vascas en esa materia. Álava, como consumidora y productora con sus salinas de Añana mantuvo algunas controversias durante el primer período borbónico. Sus autoridades se enfrentaron a la Corona por cuestiones relacionadas con la sal en esta etapa que coincide con una fase evolutiva en la administración aduanera del Distrito de Cantabria. Una fase de reforma que tiene en 1740 la fecha clave, pues es entonces cuando se implanta la administración directa de la Corona sobre las rentas. Su objetivo era doble: la obtención de ingresos más elevados y más regulares, al mismo tiempo que hacer más efectiva la maquinaria aduanera en su fin de perseguir y eliminar las actividades fraudulentas. Álava tuvo que resignarse a la pérdida de ciertos privilegios relacionados con el consumo de la sal, pero nunca llegó a renunciar a los referidos al precio y su exención ante los continuos sobreprecios impuestos por la Corona con fines diversos. Las autoridades alavesas se aferraban a la figura del contrafuero en la medida en la que los fines destinatarios del «crecimiento» solían ser dos materias que los alaveses asumían a través de su propia hacienda: los servicios militares y el reparo de los caminos. ; [EN] From Philip ll's reign onwards, the taxation policy of the Crown in relation to salt came into conflict with some of the uses, customs and privileges retained by the Basque provinces in this field. Alava, as both consumer and producer, with its Añana saltworks, sustained some controversy during the first Bourbon period. Its authorities opposed the Crown on questions related to salt iln this period, which coincided with a developmental phase in the customs administration of the district of Cantabria. The key date of this reform phase was 1740, when direct administration of revenue by the Crown was impianted. lts objective was twofold: to obtain higher and more regular income and at the same time make the customs system more effective in its aim of pursuing and eliminating fraudulent activity. Alava had to resign itself to the loss of certain privileges related to the consumption of salt, but it never renounced those relating to the price and its exemption to the continuous increases in price imposed by the Crown for diverse reasons. The authorities of Alava cbung to the contrafuero inasmuch as the purpose of the «increase» was usually two questions that Alava assumed through its own financing: military service and road repairs.