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The article provides a comparative analysis of the 1791 Constitutions of Poland and France. The author comes to the conclusion that there exists the series of inherent similarities and differences between them. The former lies in more or less expressed influence on the content of these documents by the ideas of European Enlightment, the Declaration of Human and Citizens' Rights (1789), the English parliamentary monarchy and the USA Constitution (1787) to proclaim, to a certain extent, the people as the source of power. The concept of Enlightment provided the total abolition of any social inequality of an individual before the law. The fundamental French Law consequently implemented these ideas into practice of the state system development and functioning. But the Constitution of Poland extended them only to the free classes: nobility, citizens, clergy and free peasants, though they did not affect serfs while they constituted the majority of the country's population. Precisely, this feature has determined the restricted, half-by-half perception of the Enlightment concept by the main document of Poland. Such facts as the adopting of the Constitution by the national assembly, a two-year term of parliamentary legislature, the establishment of constitutional monarchy, the proclamation of a king as Saint and sacred, the commitment of the executive power to the king, the right to take the latter the lead of the armed forces, to give oath before succeeding to the Crown, to distribute powers, to restrict the right to vote, to introduce new legislation, the right to adopt can be referred to the similarities.The differences set the following: a radical eradication of the feudal system by the French Constitution, the dismissal of serfdom, estates, caste titles, privileges, awards and solemn guarantee by the Constitution of Poland of the maintenance of serfdom, the prevailing position of Gentry including all its privileges and property. When the people of France was proclaimed the source of power and sovereignty, the majority of population of Poland – serfs – was not included into the composition of «consolidated estates», that is why the provision of the Constitution concerning the genesis of power and its sovereignty did not refer to this layer. The Constitution of France provided for the unified classless court for the whole population of the country, while the Constitution of Poland constituted class judicial instances for nobility, citizens, free peasants, administration and prolonged the existence of the feudal court judgment, Relational and Kurland courts.Obviously, the radical attitude of the Constitution of France towards the feudalism, its revolutionary importance have determined its constant world-wide fame and its position number one in the constitutionalism sharing the achievements with the USA Constitution of 1787. Conversely, the maintenance of fundamental feudal background, the long-term absence of sovereignty and territorial integrity turned out to be the principal factors of historical «forgetting» of the Constitution of Poland ; Осуществляется сравнительный анализ конституций Польши и Франции 1791 г. Автор приходит к заключению о свойственном им ряде сходств и отличий. Первые заключаются в более или менее ярко выраженных влияниях на содержание этих документов идей европейского Просвещения, Декларации прав человека и гражданина 1789 г., английской системы парламентской монархии и Конституции США 1787 г. Наиболее радикальными отличиями оказываются сохранение Конституцией Польши прав и привилегий шляхты и землевладельцев вместе с крепостным правом и радикальность искоренения феодальных порядков Конституцией Франции ; Здійснюється порівняльний аналіз конституцій Польщі і Франції 1791 р. Автор доходить висновку про властиву їм низку подібностей і відмінностей. Перші полягають у більш чи менш яскраво виражених впливах на зміст цих документів ідей європейського Просвітництва, Декларації прав людини й громадянина 1789 р., англійської системи парламентської монархії та Конституції США 1787 р. Найбільш радикальними відмінностями постають збереження Конституцією Польщі прав і привілеїв шляхти й землевласників разом із кріпосним правом і радикальність викорінення феодальних порядків Конституцією Франції

The article provides a comparative analysis of the 1791 Constitutions of Poland and France. The author comes to the conclusion that there exists the series of inherent similarities and differences between them. The former lies in more or less expressed influence on the content of these documents by the ideas of European Enlightment, the Declaration of Human and Citizens' Rights (1789), the English parliamentary monarchy and the USA Constitution (1787) to proclaim, to a certain extent, the people as the source of power. The concept of Enlightment provided the total abolition of any social inequality of an individual before the law. The fundamental French Law consequently implemented these ideas into practice of the state system development and functioning. But the Constitution of Poland extended them only to the free classes: nobility, citizens, clergy and free peasants, though they did not affect serfs while they constituted the majority of the country's population. Precisely, this feature has determined the restricted, half-by-half perception of the Enlightment concept by the main document of Poland. Such facts as the adopting of the Constitution by the national assembly, a two-year term of parliamentary legislature, the establishment of constitutional monarchy, the proclamation of a king as Saint and sacred, the commitment of the executive power to the king, the right to take the latter the lead of the armed forces, to give oath before succeeding to the Crown, to distribute powers, to restrict the right to vote, to introduce new legislation, the right to adopt can be referred to the similarities.The differences set the following: a radical eradication of the feudal system by the French Constitution, the dismissal of serfdom, estates, caste titles, privileges, awards and solemn guarantee by the Constitution of Poland of the maintenance of serfdom, the prevailing position of Gentry including all its privileges and property. When the people of France was proclaimed the source of power and sovereignty, the majority of population of Poland – serfs – was not included into the composition of «consolidated estates», that is why the provision of the Constitution concerning the genesis of power and its sovereignty did not refer to this layer. The Constitution of France provided for the unified classless court for the whole population of the country, while the Constitution of Poland constituted class judicial instances for nobility, citizens, free peasants, administration and prolonged the existence of the feudal court judgment, Relational and Kurland courts.Obviously, the radical attitude of the Constitution of France towards the feudalism, its revolutionary importance have determined its constant world-wide fame and its position number one in the constitutionalism sharing the achievements with the USA Constitution of 1787. Conversely, the maintenance of fundamental feudal background, the long-term absence of sovereignty and territorial integrity turned out to be the principal factors of historical «forgetting» of the Constitution of Poland ; Осуществляется сравнительный анализ конституций Польши и Франции 1791 г. Автор приходит к заключению о свойственном им ряде сходств и отличий. Первые заключаются в более или менее ярко выраженных влияниях на содержание этих документов идей европейского Просвещения, Декларации прав человека и гражданина 1789 г., английской системы парламентской монархии и Конституции США 1787 г. Наиболее радикальными отличиями оказываются сохранение Конституцией Польши прав и привилегий шляхты и землевладельцев вместе с крепостным правом и радикальность искоренения феодальных порядков Конституцией Франции ; Здійснюється порівняльний аналіз конституцій Польщі і Франції 1791 р. Автор доходить висновку про властиву їм низку подібностей і відмінностей. Перші полягають у більш чи менш яскраво виражених впливах на зміст цих документів ідей європейського Просвітництва, Декларації прав людини й громадянина 1789 р., англійської системи парламентської монархії та Конституції США 1787 р. Найбільш радикальними відмінностями постають збереження Конституцією Польщі прав і привілеїв шляхти й землевласників разом із кріпосним правом і радикальність викорінення феодальних порядків Конституцією Франції

Systematic analysis of protection forms of the constitution allows to identify legal tools that can be applied in order to prevent encroachments on the constitutional values or in the commission of such an offense or to identify the real threat. Up to now there is no a single approach to understanding of protection of the constitution, its relationship with the protection, system of its forms and so on. There remain unclear regularities that have their influence on different protection forms of the constitution in foreign countries as well as the consistency and adequacy of the use of such forms in Ukraine. Recent research and publications analysis. Scientists name various forms of protection of the constitution. Approaches of scientists that give their lists differ very much. Hence there is no necessity in talking about some constant regarding this matter. Some aspects of the issue that is related to the system of protection forms of the constitution found their reflection in the works of local and foreign scientists such as Y.G. Barabash, M.V. Vitruk, I.V. Koreyba, K.O. Pavshuk, P.B. Stetsyuk, K. Hesse, T. Y. Habriyeva, V.E. Chyrkin and others. Paper objective. The objectives of the paper are: clarification of the nature of the protection of the constitution and what means or what forms and what subjects it should be implemented by; the comparison of the experience of foreign countries regarding the issue and determination of the reasons for which different countries use different protection forms of the constitutions; expression of suggestions regarding legislation improvement in regards to specific protection forms of the Constitution of Ukraine. Paper main body. Countries with established democracy traditionally use a smaller set of protection forms of the constitution and the concept of "protection of the constitution" itself is almost not applied. The opposite approach is inherent to countries emerging from totalitarian and authoritarian regimes including Ukraine. Ukraine should approach conceptually this problem especially in nowadays conditions as far as there is a real threat to the territorial integrity and independence. Conclusions of the research. Protection forms of the constitution are in a certain system therefore they can be divided into: – constructive forms of protection (a special procedure for amending the constitution and its adoption, a prohibition of the restriction and distortion of the fundamental rights by the law); – blocking forms (president's veto, the veto of the upper house of parliament, etc.); – repressive forms (a prohibition of political parties and other associations, divestment, lustration restrictions); – constitutional responsibility of the authority (president's impeachment, dissolution of parliament, etc.); – preliminary and subsequent constitutional control; – extreme forms of protection: the right to revolt, emergency legislation, emergency and martial law. ; Статья посвящена анализу системы форм защиты конституции в зарубежных странах. Рассматриваются различные формы защиты конституции и какими субъектами она должна осуществляться. Сравнивается опыт применения форм защиты конституции в зарубежных странах. Страны устоявшейся демократии традиционно пользуются меньшим набором средств защиты конституции ; Стаття присвячена аналізу системи форм захисту конституції в зарубіжних країнах. Роз- глядаються різні форми захисту конституції і суб'єкти, якими вона повинна здійснюватися. Порівнюється досвід застосування форм захисту конституції в зарубіжних країнах. Країни ста- лої демократії традиційно користуються меншим набором засобів захисту конституції.

Стаття присвячена аналізу системи форм захисту конституції в зарубіжних країнах. Роз- глядаються різні форми захисту конституції і суб'єкти, якими вона повинна здійснюватися. Порівнюється досвід застосування форм захисту конституції в зарубіжних країнах. Країни ста- лої демократії традиційно користуються меншим набором засобів захисту конституції. ; Статья посвящена анализу системы форм защиты конституции в зарубежных странах. Рассматриваются различные формы защиты конституции и какими субъектами она должна осуществляться. Сравнивается опыт применения форм защиты конституции в зарубежных странах. Страны устоявшейся демократии традиционно пользуются меньшим набором средств защиты конституции ; Systematic analysis of protection forms of the constitution allows to identify legal tools that can be applied in order to prevent encroachments on the constitutional values or in the commission of such an offense or to identify the real threat. Up to now there is no a single approach to understanding of protection of the constitution, its relationship with the protection, system of its forms and so on. There remain unclear regularities that have their influence on different protection forms of the constitution in foreign countries as well as the consistency and adequacy of the use of such forms in Ukraine. Recent research and publications analysis. Scientists name various forms of protection of the constitution. Approaches of scientists that give their lists differ very much. Hence there is no necessity in talking about some constant regarding this matter. Some aspects of the issue that is related to the system of protection forms of the constitution found their reflection in the works of local and foreign scientists such as Y.G. Barabash, M.V. Vitruk, I.V. Koreyba, K.O. Pavshuk, P.B. Stetsyuk, K. Hesse, T. Y. Habriyeva, V.E. Chyrkin and others. Paper objective. The objectives of the paper are: clarification of the nature of the protection of the constitution and what means or what forms and what subjects it should be implemented by; the comparison of the experience of foreign countries regarding the issue and determination of the reasons for which different countries use different protection forms of the constitutions; expression of suggestions regarding legislation improvement in regards to specific protection forms of the Constitution of Ukraine. Paper main body. Countries with established democracy traditionally use a smaller set of protection forms of the constitution and the concept of "protection of the constitution" itself is almost not applied. The opposite approach is inherent to countries emerging from totalitarian and authoritarian regimes including Ukraine. Ukraine should approach conceptually this problem especially in nowadays conditions as far as there is a real threat to the territorial integrity and independence. Conclusions of the research. Protection forms of the constitution are in a certain system therefore they can be divided into: – constructive forms of protection (a special procedure for amending the constitution and its adoption, a prohibition of the restriction and distortion of the fundamental rights by the law); – blocking forms (president's veto, the veto of the upper house of parliament, etc.); – repressive forms (a prohibition of political parties and other associations, divestment, lustration restrictions); – constitutional responsibility of the authority (president's impeachment, dissolution of parliament, etc.); – preliminary and subsequent constitutional control; – extreme forms of protection: the right to revolt, emergency legislation, emergency and martial law.

28 червня 1996 року важлива історична подія в житті українців – день прийняття Основного Закону незалежної України. Нова Конституція остаточно закріпила правові основи нашої держави, її суверенітет і територіальну цілісність. Зрозуміло, що Конституція України не писалася за один день. Конституційний процес являв собою явище, яке розтягнулося на декілька років і в певній мірі продовжується досі. У статті ставиться за мету розглянути перший етап Конституційного процесу в Україні, який тривав від 16 липня 1990 року до листопада 1993 року. Саме на цьому етапі розпочалася клопітка робота з підготування проекту нової Конституції України. У суспільстві та серед політиків не було єдності щодо того яким має бути Основний Закон України. Дискусії виникали в процесі обговорення кожного проекту Конституції. Восени 1993 р. конституційний процес загальмувався. Далася взнаки політична ситуація, що склалася на той час у нашій державі. Загострилися відносини між законодавчою і виконавчою владами. ; 28 июня 1996 важное историческое событие в жизни украинцев – день принятия Основного Закона независимой Украины. Новая Конституция окончательно закрепила правовые основы нашего государства, его суверенитет и территориальную целостность. Конституция Украины не писалась за один день. Конституционный процесс представлял собой явление, которое растянулось на несколько лет и в определенной степени продолжается до сих пор. В статье поставлена цель рассмотреть первый этап Конституционного процесса в Украине, который длился от 16 июля 1990 по ноябрь 1993 года. Именно на этом этапе началась кропотливая работа по подготовке проекта новой Конституции Украины. В обществе и среди политиков не было единства относительно того каким должен быть Основной Закон Украины. Дискуссии возникали в процессе обсуждения каждого проекта Конституции. Осенью 1993 года конституционный процесс застопорился. Сказалась политическая ситуация, сложившаяся в то время в нашей стране. Обострились отношения между законодательной и исполнительной властями. ; The June 28, 1996 is an important historic event in the Ukrainians' life - the date of adoption of the Fundamental Law of the Independent Ukraine. The new Constitution finally consolidated the legal framework of our country, its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Constitution was not written during a day. The constitutional process is a phenomenon that has lasted for several years, and, to some extent, has been continuing up to this day. The purpose of the article is consideration of the first stage of the constitutional process in Ukraine, which lasted from July 16, 1990 to November, 1993. In this period the painstaking work on the drafting of the new Constitution of Ukraine has been started. In a society and among politicians there was no unity as to what should be the Fundamental Law of Ukraine. Discussions emerged during consideration of each Constitution draft. In autumn 1993, a constitutional process has stalled. It was then affected by political situation in our country. Relations between the legislative and executive authorities have been sharpened.

The article is devoted to the definition of the notion of the language genre of legislative legal discourse and the creation of a typology of legal genres. The typology of speech genres of legal discourse is proposed, according to which the main genres are the law, the constitution, the decree, the code, the by-law. Law - the main genre of DR, whose communicative intention - to form certain models of lawful behavior in an unspecified circle of recipients; the constitution is the main law of the state, which contains the principles under which the government is exercised, expressing the will and interestsof its people; Decree - a legislative act that is pronounced and issued on behalf of the head of state; the code is a kind of legislative act regulating a specific sphere of social relations, that is, a set of rules of law in a particular field of human rights .; secondary legislation is secondary to the laws and covers sectoral and local legislative texts that, according to genre characteristics, belong to resolutions, orders, instructions, orders, etc. ; Статтю присвячено визначенню поняття мовленнєвого жанру законодавчого юридичного дискурсу та створенню типології юридичних жанрів. Запропоновано типологію мовленнєвих жанрів юридичного дискурсу, згідно з якою основними жанрами є закон, конституція, указ, кодекс, подзаконний акт. Закон – основний жанр ЗД, комунікативна інтенція якого – сформувати певні моделі правомірної поведінки в невизначеного кола адресатів; конституція є основнимзаконом держави, що містить принципи, відповідно до яких здійснюється керування державою, що виражає волю та інтереси її народу; указ – законодавчий акт, що виголошується та видається від імені голови держави; кодекс є різновидом законодавчого акту, що регулює конкретну сферу суспільних відносин, тобто це комплекс норм права в конкретній галузі діяльності людини.; підзаконні акти є вторинними щодо законів та охоплюють галузеві та локальні законодавчі тексти, що за жанровими характеристиками належать до постанов, розпоряджень, інструкцій, наказів тощо.

The article is devoted to the definition of the notion of the language genre of legislative legal discourse and the creation of a typology of legal genres. The typology of speech genres of legal discourse is proposed, according to which the main genres are the law, the constitution, the decree, the code, the by-law. Law - the main genre of DR, whose communicative intention - to form certain models of lawful behavior in an unspecified circle of recipients; the constitution is the main law of the state, which contains the principles under which the government is exercised, expressing the will and interestsof its people; Decree - a legislative act that is pronounced and issued on behalf of the head of state; the code is a kind of legislative act regulating a specific sphere of social relations, that is, a set of rules of law in a particular field of human rights .; secondary legislation is secondary to the laws and covers sectoral and local legislative texts that, according to genre characteristics, belong to resolutions, orders, instructions, orders, etc. ; Статтю присвячено визначенню поняття мовленнєвого жанру законодавчого юридичного дискурсу та створенню типології юридичних жанрів. Запропоновано типологію мовленнєвих жанрів юридичного дискурсу, згідно з якою основними жанрами є закон, конституція, указ, кодекс, подзаконний акт. Закон – основний жанр ЗД, комунікативна інтенція якого – сформувати певні моделі правомірної поведінки в невизначеного кола адресатів; конституція є основнимзаконом держави, що містить принципи, відповідно до яких здійснюється керування державою, що виражає волю та інтереси її народу; указ – законодавчий акт, що виголошується та видається від імені голови держави; кодекс є різновидом законодавчого акту, що регулює конкретну сферу суспільних відносин, тобто це комплекс норм права в конкретній галузі діяльності людини.; підзаконні акти є вторинними щодо законів та охоплюють галузеві та локальні законодавчі тексти, що за жанровими характеристиками належать до постанов, розпоряджень, інструкцій, наказів тощо.

Problem setting. Today, Ukraine is characterized by the needfor fundamental changes in the activity ofstate bodies. The effectiveness of the realization of the rights of the people, the guarantee of the possibility of their realization in the vital reality depends on the efficiency of functioning of the referendum institution, which requires effective development at the theoretical level. The urgency of the problem is caused by the need to select the most effective, democratic means of holding referendums, to study and to apply the best practices of the democratic countries of the world in this field of activity.Recent research and publications analysis. Some questions of the referendum institute were investigated in the works of such scientists as V. Barsky, Y. Budnik, N. Vinnykova, S. Derev 'yanko, S. Zakirova, M. Ilnitskyi, L. Kryvenko, V. Markitantov, V. Nechytailo, I. Myloserdna, Y. Paleeva, O. Chebanenko, O. Hryshchuk, N. Kolodyazhna, A. Yevhenieva, S. Kravchenko, V. Kobel, R. Makukha and others. Some elements of the constitutional model of the referendum have been analyzed in the majority of works devoted to this political and legal institute. From the special researches in which attempts were made to construct such a model, one can name the works of legal scholars: M. Onishchuk, V. Pohorilka, Stavniychuk, V. Fedorenko and others.Paper objective. The purpose of the article is to study the nature of referendums, their constitutional boundaries, as well as the experience of organizing and carrying out this form of will of the people in democratic countries, which can be used in Ukraine.Paper main body. A referendum is one of the most prominent institutions ofdemocracy that allows the population to directly address pressing issues of the state and society.The referendum as a political and legal institute dates back to ancient times. It was started in ancient Rome, but the date of the first referendum is considered to be 1439, and his birthplace is Switzerland, including the canton of Bern. The referendums were envisaged by the legislatures of many countries. The referendum in the XX century became quite widespread. Its implementation was providedfor by a number of constitutions of European states adopted during the period between the world wars. The legal practice of foreign countries shows the possibility of harmonizing the use of direct and representative democracy. Much depends on the nature of the political regime in a particular country, the traditions, the mentality of its people, the degree of democratization and other factors that influence the formation and development of a system of direct democracy. For the practical use of the referendum as an institution for legitimizing political decisions of the state power in Ukraine, it is necessary, first of all, to regulate the legal grounds of this legal form of the will of the citizens.Conclusions of the researh. The referendum as a political instrument of public administration has a long history. An important component of preparing for the successful use of a referendum in Ukraine as a tool of direct democracy is a detailed analysis of international experience and world practice. The most important step towards effective implementation of this mechanism of direct democracy is the existence of specific legislation and an advanced mechanism for the practical implementation of the decisions reached. ; Раскрыты понятие референдума, история его развития и становления. Проанализированы вопросы проведения референдума на примерах зарубежных стран и непосредственно Украины. Указано, что в демократических странах референдумы представляют стержень политической системы, одну из важнейших форм осуществления народного суверенитета. ; Розкрито поняття референдуму, історію його розвитку і становлення. Проаналізовано питання проведення референдуму на прикладах зарубіжних країн і безпосередньо України. Зазначено, що у демократичних країнах референдуми становлять стрижень політичної системи, одну з найважливіших форм здійснення народного суверенітету.

Problem setting. Today, Ukraine is characterized by the needfor fundamental changes in the activity ofstate bodies. The effectiveness of the realization of the rights of the people, the guarantee of the possibility of their realization in the vital reality depends on the efficiency of functioning of the referendum institution, which requires effective development at the theoretical level. The urgency of the problem is caused by the need to select the most effective, democratic means of holding referendums, to study and to apply the best practices of the democratic countries of the world in this field of activity.Recent research and publications analysis. Some questions of the referendum institute were investigated in the works of such scientists as V. Barsky, Y. Budnik, N. Vinnykova, S. Derev 'yanko, S. Zakirova, M. Ilnitskyi, L. Kryvenko, V. Markitantov, V. Nechytailo, I. Myloserdna, Y. Paleeva, O. Chebanenko, O. Hryshchuk, N. Kolodyazhna, A. Yevhenieva, S. Kravchenko, V. Kobel, R. Makukha and others. Some elements of the constitutional model of the referendum have been analyzed in the majority of works devoted to this political and legal institute. From the special researches in which attempts were made to construct such a model, one can name the works of legal scholars: M. Onishchuk, V. Pohorilka, Stavniychuk, V. Fedorenko and others.Paper objective. The purpose of the article is to study the nature of referendums, their constitutional boundaries, as well as the experience of organizing and carrying out this form of will of the people in democratic countries, which can be used in Ukraine.Paper main body. A referendum is one of the most prominent institutions ofdemocracy that allows the population to directly address pressing issues of the state and society.The referendum as a political and legal institute dates back to ancient times. It was started in ancient Rome, but the date of the first referendum is considered to be 1439, and his birthplace is Switzerland, including the canton of Bern. The referendums were envisaged by the legislatures of many countries. The referendum in the XX century became quite widespread. Its implementation was providedfor by a number of constitutions of European states adopted during the period between the world wars. The legal practice of foreign countries shows the possibility of harmonizing the use of direct and representative democracy. Much depends on the nature of the political regime in a particular country, the traditions, the mentality of its people, the degree of democratization and other factors that influence the formation and development of a system of direct democracy. For the practical use of the referendum as an institution for legitimizing political decisions of the state power in Ukraine, it is necessary, first of all, to regulate the legal grounds of this legal form of the will of the citizens.Conclusions of the researh. The referendum as a political instrument of public administration has a long history. An important component of preparing for the successful use of a referendum in Ukraine as a tool of direct democracy is a detailed analysis of international experience and world practice. The most important step towards effective implementation of this mechanism of direct democracy is the existence of specific legislation and an advanced mechanism for the practical implementation of the decisions reached. ; Раскрыты понятие референдума, история его развития и становления. Проанализированы вопросы проведения референдума на примерах зарубежных стран и непосредственно Украины. Указано, что в демократических странах референдумы представляют стержень политической системы, одну из важнейших форм осуществления народного суверенитета. ; Розкрито поняття референдуму, історію його розвитку і становлення. Проаналізовано питання проведення референдуму на прикладах зарубіжних країн і безпосередньо України. Зазначено, що у демократичних країнах референдуми становлять стрижень політичної системи, одну з найважливіших форм здійснення народного суверенітету.

В рамках розгляду політико-правової думки США періоду боротьби за незалежність проаналізовано ідеї представників двох найвпливовіших політичних таборів – республіканців (Франкліна, Пейна, Джефферсона) та федералістів (Гамільтона, Маршалла, Медісона), ідеї яких справили значний вплив на американську та світову конституційну практику. Відзначено роль та значення відповідних ідей для сучасної України. ; The object of the article is an ideological representation of the socio-political system of the United States in the XVIII century pf the representatives of two most influential movements of those times, Republicans and Federalists, which were laid down in the Constitution of the United States in 1787. The objective of the article is to highlight the state of political and legal thinking in the United States during the struggle for independence and its impact on the constitutional process; the identification of those aspects that are universal; and the definition of ideological foundations that can positively influence the state-building processes in Ukraine. The relevance of the study is to clarify theoretical heritage of the past, which was laid in the basis of one of the leader-states of the state and legal development of the USA, since this experience can be useful in Ukraine. During the study, the author came to the conclusion that the strong components of the US Constitution of 1787 were: the skillful use of American political thought of the late XVIII century to socio-economic realities; the possibility of reaching a political compromise in terms of the acute ideological struggle of the Republicans and Federalists; successful structure of the Constitution; "strict order" for making amendments and alterations to the Constitution; the implementation of the institutions of constitutional interpretation and control.

The article considers the constitutional and legal status of Subcarpathian Russia under the Constitution of the Czechoslovak Republic of February 29, 1920. Special attention is paid to the legal regulation of the highest state authorities of Czechoslovakia, as well as the position of national minorities in the country. Certainly, the First World War destroyed the political system and borders in Europe, which led to the creation of independent states, including Czechoslovakia. The newly created state faced a number of important tasks. The issues of state building, political system and establishing harmonious interethnic interaction between citizens were of paramount importance. Stabilization of the internal situation and success in the international arena were ensured by the adoption of a basic law - the constitution. After all, the constitution is the highest law of the country, which regulates the most important political and legal relations in it, establishes the basic provisions of law and order. It was established that the problem of Subcarpathian Russia was properly and in detail covered in the Constitution, although the terms of the Small Saint-Germain Peace Treaty on the "territory of the South Carpathian Ruthenians" did not require it. Nevertheless, both Czechoslovak specialists in state and legal issues and politicians of the republic considered it not only necessary but also necessary, primarily for state reasons, to fix the problem of the eastern province of the republic, Subcarpathian Russia, in the Constitution. Such a fixation, they believed, would demonstrate the sovereign right of the Czechoslovak Republic to the territory of Subcarpathian Russia, the constitutional legality of the region's membership in the Czechoslovak state. Demonstration of this right only by a separate law on the autonomy of Subcarpathian Russia would be insufficient, it would even feel some temporary solution to the problem. ; У статті розглянуто конституційно-правовий статус Підкарпатської Русі за Конституцією Чехословацької республіки від 29 лютого 1920 р. Особлива увага приділена правовому регулюванню вищих органів державної влади Чехословаччини, а також становищу національних меншин в країні. Визначено, Перша світова війна зруйнувала політичну систему та кордони в Європі, що спричинило створення незалежних держав, зокрема Чехословаччини. Перед новоствореною державою постала низка важливих завдань. Першочерговими були питання держаного будівництва, політичного устрою та налагодження гармонійної міжетнічної взаємодії між громадянами. Стабілізація внутрішнього становища та успіхи на міжнародній арені забезпечувались прийняттям основного закону – конституції. Адже, конституція є вищим законом країни, який регламентує найважливіші політичні та правові відносини в ній, встановлює основні положення правопорядку. Встановлено, проблема Підкарпатської Русі була належно і детально висвітлена в Конституції, хоча умови Малого Сен-Жерменського мирного договору про «територію південно-карпатських русинів» цього не вимагали. Тим не менше як чехословацькі спеціалісти з проблем держави і права, так і політичні діячі республіки вважали не тільки за потрібне, але і необхідне, в першу чергу з державних міркувань, щоб проблема східної провінції республіки, Підкарпатської Русі, була зафіксована в Конституції. Така фіксація, вважали вони, демонструватиме суверенне право Чехословацької республіки на територію Підкарпатської Русі, конституційну законність приналежності краю до Чехословацької держави. Демонстрація цього права тільки окремим законом про автономію Підкарпатської Русі, була б на недостатньою, в ній навіть відчувалася б якась тимчасовість рішення проблеми.

The article considers the constitutional and legal status of Subcarpathian Russia under the Constitution of the Czechoslovak Republic of February 29, 1920. Special attention is paid to the legal regulation of the highest state authorities of Czechoslovakia, as well as the position of national minorities in the country. Certainly, the First World War destroyed the political system and borders in Europe, which led to the creation of independent states, including Czechoslovakia. The newly created state faced a number of important tasks. The issues of state building, political system and establishing harmonious interethnic interaction between citizens were of paramount importance. Stabilization of the internal situation and success in the international arena were ensured by the adoption of a basic law - the constitution. After all, the constitution is the highest law of the country, which regulates the most important political and legal relations in it, establishes the basic provisions of law and order. It was established that the problem of Subcarpathian Russia was properly and in detail covered in the Constitution, although the terms of the Small Saint-Germain Peace Treaty on the "territory of the South Carpathian Ruthenians" did not require it. Nevertheless, both Czechoslovak specialists in state and legal issues and politicians of the republic considered it not only necessary but also necessary, primarily for state reasons, to fix the problem of the eastern province of the republic, Subcarpathian Russia, in the Constitution. Such a fixation, they believed, would demonstrate the sovereign right of the Czechoslovak Republic to the territory of Subcarpathian Russia, the constitutional legality of the region's membership in the Czechoslovak state. Demonstration of this right only by a separate law on the autonomy of Subcarpathian Russia would be insufficient, it would even feel some temporary solution to the problem. ; У статті розглянуто конституційно-правовий статус Підкарпатської Русі за Конституцією Чехословацької республіки від 29 лютого 1920 р. Особлива увага приділена правовому регулюванню вищих органів державної влади Чехословаччини, а також становищу національних меншин в країні. Визначено, Перша світова війна зруйнувала політичну систему та кордони в Європі, що спричинило створення незалежних держав, зокрема Чехословаччини. Перед новоствореною державою постала низка важливих завдань. Першочерговими були питання держаного будівництва, політичного устрою та налагодження гармонійної міжетнічної взаємодії між громадянами. Стабілізація внутрішнього становища та успіхи на міжнародній арені забезпечувались прийняттям основного закону – конституції. Адже, конституція є вищим законом країни, який регламентує найважливіші політичні та правові відносини в ній, встановлює основні положення правопорядку. Встановлено, проблема Підкарпатської Русі була належно і детально висвітлена в Конституції, хоча умови Малого Сен-Жерменського мирного договору про «територію південно-карпатських русинів» цього не вимагали. Тим не менше як чехословацькі спеціалісти з проблем держави і права, так і політичні діячі республіки вважали не тільки за потрібне, але і необхідне, в першу чергу з державних міркувань, щоб проблема східної провінції республіки, Підкарпатської Русі, була зафіксована в Конституції. Така фіксація, вважали вони, демонструватиме суверенне право Чехословацької республіки на територію Підкарпатської Русі, конституційну законність приналежності краю до Чехословацької держави. Демонстрація цього права тільки окремим законом про автономію Підкарпатської Русі, була б на недостатньою, в ній навіть відчувалася б якась тимчасовість рішення проблеми.

Constitutional acts of the Second Polish Republic of 1918, 1921 and 1935 have been researched in the present article. Legal status of the Parliament of Poland in 1918-1939, authorities of certain chambers has been clarified. Authorities of the Parliament as to formation of executive and judicial branches of government have been analyzed.The author draws attention to practical value of the research of historical legal experience of Polish public officials in the Second Polish Republic since main tasks of constitutional process were to restore stability in the country by changing the Constitution, overcoming political crisis, strengthening state authority etc. Nowadays these tasks are relevant to Ukraine. The following documents have been analyzed in the present article: Regent Council Decree of 11th November 1918 under which Józef Piłsudski came to power, major constitutional documents issued by the first President of Polish Republic, the decree of 22nd November 1918 on supreme representative authority of the Polish Republic (Constituent Seym) and decree of 28th November 1918 which affirmed electoral ordination to the Polish Constituent Seym.The first session of a newly-elected parliament was held on 10th February 1919. One of the key issues of the agenda was adoption of a new constitution of the Polish Republic and for this purpose on 14th February 1919 the Constitutional Committee was established. Since work on such project required time, it was decided to adopt a temporary constitutional act – Constituent Seym resolution of 20th February 1919 (so called Small Constitution). Parliament was acknowledged to be sovereign and legislative one-chambered authority in Polish commonwealth. Period of its functioning was not determined and it was functioning from February 1919 till the end of November 1922. During this period Seym deputies held 342 plenary meetings and adopted 342 laws. The most significant result of the Second Polish Republic First Parliament was the adoption of a new Constitution on 17th March 1921.According to the Constitution 1921, Parliament consisting of Seym and Senate (article 2) was recognized to be the only legislative authority. Seym was made up of 444 deputies, and Senate – 111 senators. It was forbidden to hold more than one office – deputy or senator. The author has analyzed disposition of the Constitution and attracted our attention to the fact that certain norms were borrowed from Austrian Constitution 1867 (Constitutional Law about changing the law of 26th February 1861 on imperial representation of 21st December 1867).In 1925-1926 Poland was in great difficulties – economic crisis, inflation, high level of unemployment led to dissatisfaction among vast majority of population. Along with economic problems, a lot of political troubles appeared – political forces in the Parliament were in confrontation to each other and could not come to an agreement, governments were changed very often, social issues were not resolved. Parliamentary form of government led to disappointment and discontent. As a result, Parliament powers were restrained. At first, changes in the Constitution were introduced in 1926, but they were just the first step towards restriction of Parliament powers. The next step was the adoption of new Constitution in 1934 by the Parliament and its signing on 23rd April 1935 by President of Poland I. Moscicki. This Constitution expanded powers of executive authority and restricted citizens' opportunity to take part in state-building procedures.Summing up, the author remarks that the Constitution 1921 determined Poland to be a parliamentary monarchy and created considerable preconditions for developing parliamentarism. This Constitution contained vital dispositions which consolidated allocation of powers and can be helpful in reforming the valid Constitution of Ukraine. Taking this into consideration, special interest is aroused by such things as disposition about the right to hold more than one office (post of a deputy and minister), restriction of deputy's inviolability, Parliament powers when a president is not able to execute his powers etc.Since 1926 a new Constitutional reform, which expanded president's powers and strengthened executive authority, has been carried out. President and government received even more powers owing to the adoption of the Constitution in 1935. The author assumes that the Second Polish Republic had a chance to be gradually turned from parliamentary to presidential. These political changes had a negative impact on a political state of the country, weakened it significantly and created precondition for external aggression. In 1939, in consequence of conclusion of Soviet-German Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, Poland once again lost its independence. ; Досліджено конституційні акти Другої Польської Республіки 1918, 1921 та 1935 рр. З'ясовано правовий статус парламенту Польщі у 1918–1939 рр., компетенцію його окремих палат. Проаналізовано повноваження парламенту щодо формування виконавчої та судової гілок влади.

Рецепция права определяется автором как процесс заимствования и внедрения идей, правовых институтов, норм, терминологии иностранного права в целях модернизации правовой системы, приобретения международного авторитета либо закрепляющую политическую и экономическую зависимость от других стран. Таким образом, в рецепции права основой служит идеологический компонент, выражаемый в целях и задачах такой рецепции. ; The reception of law is defined by the author as a process of borrowing and implementation of ideas, legal institutions, rules, terminology of foreign law in order to modernize the legal system, the acquirement of the international authority or consolidation of political and economic dependence on other countries. Thus, the basis in the reception of law is the ideological component which is expressed in goals and objectives of such reception.

The article examines the state-political situation in Poland in the second half of the 18th century. The main preconditions of the crisis phenomena concerning various spheres of public life are investigated. In particular, the legal status of certain social groups: peasants, burghers and nobility, as well as the place and role of the Commonwealth in the then international European relations is analyzed. Poland at that time became an arena of struggle for the interests of Russia, Prussia and Austria, which led in 1772 to its first partition.Particular attention is paid to the activities of the four-year Sejm, which began in 1788 to reform the state mechanism of the Commonwealth. One of its first laws increased the number of troops from 30 to 100 thousand. Certain governing bodies were also reorganized and the permanent council department was abolished. However, the main point in the activities of this Sejm was the adoption on May 3, 1791 of the first constitution of Poland.In addition, the article analyzes the structure and main provisions of this document. Particularly, it is found that the constitution consisted of a preamble as well as 11 rather voluminous articles. It embodied the principle of separation of powers, but the legislature had certain advantages over the executive and the judiciary.The structure and competence of 2 chambers of the Sejm, namely the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, are clarified. The Chamber of Deputies was elected by the local sejmiks in the number of 204 deputies. Besides, 24 «city commissioners» elected at the assembly of city representatives were to sit in the Chamber. The Senate consisted of 132 members from among the voivodes, eparchial bishops, bishops, ministers and magnates.The article also defines the role of the king in the legislative process and as the head of the executive. The king had the right to sign the laws passed by the Sejm, and he also chaired government meetings. The role of the government – the Guardians of the Law, as well as government commissions in the implementation of their executive functions is shown. The changes that had taken place in the judicial system as well as the changes in the social and legal status of certain segments of the population are studied. In particular, the constitution provided for the unification of the city, zemstvo and chamberlain courts as well as the establishment of collegiate zemstvo courts in their place. According to the constitution, the term «people» came to be understood not only as the representatives of the nobility, but also as burghers and peasants.The adoption of the constitution on May 3, 1791 was a significant event for the entire Europe and the world. Conclusions are made on the significance of the Constitution both for Poland and other European nations. ; Розглянуто державно-політичне становище Польщі у другій половині XVIII ст. Дослі-джено основні передумови кризових явищ, які стосувалися різноманітних сфер суспільного життя. Проаналізовано правове становище окремих соціальних груп: селянства, міщанства та дворянства, а також місце і роль Речі Посполитої у тогочасних міжнародних євро-пейських відносинах.Основну увагу приділено роботі Чотирирічного сейму, який розпочав реформування державного механізму з 1788 року Головним у роботі цього сейму стало прийняття ним 3 травня 1791 року першої конституції Польщі.Проаналізовано структуру та основні положення цього документа. Зокрема, з'ясовано, що конституція складалася з преамбули та 11 статей. Вона втілила принцип теорії розпо-ділу влад, однак законодавча влада мала певні переваги перед виконавчою та судовою. З'ясовано структуру та компетенцію двох палат Сейму, зокрема Польської ізби та Сенату. Визначено роль короля у законодавчому процесі та як глави виконавчої влади. Показана роль уряду ‒ Сторожі законів, а також урядових комісій у здійсненні ними виконавчих функцій. Досліджено зміни, які відбувалися у судовій системі, а також зміни у закріплені соціально-правового статусу окремих верств населення. Зроблено висновки щодо місця і значущості першої конституції Польщі.