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Dept. of Health Administration/박사 ; [한글] [영문]The purpose of this study is to discover the influence of media communication on risk perception and behavior related to Mad Cow Disease. For this, quantitative study based on survey and qualitative studies based on interviews were implemented then the results compared for analysis. The survey subjects were mothers of elementary school students in Seoul, total of 642 subjects. The survey period was from December 7 through December 18 of 2009, and the collected data were analyzed using the SPSS 12.0. The interview subjects were mothers of elementary school students in Seoul and Kyung-gi, and total of 21 interviews were conducted from May 3 through May 20 of 2010. This research's primary results are as follows. First, factors that could affect knowledge and attitude toward Mad Cow Disease were examined. The result showed that those with higher educational level, those with conservative political inclination, and those with lower internet credibility had higher level of knowledge on Mad Cow Disease. In terms of factors that affect involvement in Mad Cow Disease, those who think that they influence their children's health, those with lower government credibility, those with higher TV credibility, and those with higher internet credibility showed high involvement in Mad Cow Disease. And, as for the factors that affect risk perception of Mad Cow Disease, those who think that they influence their children's health, those with low government credibility, those who watched the downer cow UCC, and those with higher internet credibility were highly perception of the risk of Mad Cow Disease. Second, factors that affect risk behavior were examined. Risk behavior was divided into decreased beef consumption and decreased consumption of imported U.S. beef in the past year. When the factors that affect the decreased consumption in the past year were examined, those with lower education level, those with lower TV credibility, those with higher involvement in Mad Cow Disease, and those with higher risk perception of Mad Cow Disease decreased the consumption of beef in the past year. Next, factors that affect the decreased consumption of imported U.S. beef were examined. The results show that those with neutral or liberal political inclination, those with lower government credibility, those who watched downer cow UCC, those with lower knowledge of Mad Cow Disease, those with higher involvement in Mad Cow Disease, and those with higher risk perception of Mad Cow Disease decreased the consumption of imported U.S. beef in the past year. Third, how the people view Mad Cow Disease Incident, where they think they should get the information on Mad Cow Disease from, and what kind of information they want were analyzed in-depth to support the qualitative study. The reasons for Mad Cow Disease Incident are largely caused by the government, influence of media, and the people's right of expression. The government-oriented causes of Mad Cow Disease Incident can be divided into disappointment in government's negotiation skills and anti-Americanism. For getting information on Mad Cow Disease, there are views that government institution, civil groups, and experts are suitable as sources of information. The responses indicated that public wanted to know about the causes of Mad Cow Disease, symptoms and prevention of Mad Cow Disease, and imported U.S. beef and its important process. Based on these results, their implications were explored. First, media should be more responsible in deciding what information to report, endeavor to report only the truth, and always remain fair and objective. Second, in implementing government policy, all information should be efficiently and accurately communicated through a transparent implementation process. Also, the government must have plans for countermeasures in case of an emergency and respond efficiently in order to maintain their credibility. Third, the understanding of the differences between the experts' and the public's risk communication should be considered. For more effective risk communication, media, health experts, government representatives, and related industries should work together. ; restriction

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 외교학과, 2012. 2. 신범식. ; 본 논문의 핵심 질문은 색깔 혁명 발생으로 민주화에 성공한 그루지야와 우크라이나의 이후 민주주의 발전 양상은 왜 달랐는가이다. 색깔 혁명 이후, 우크라이나의 민주주의는 진전을 보였지만, 그루지야는 그렇지 못했다. 본 연구는 색깔혁명 이후 미국과 러시아의 갈등 구도와 양국의 대(對) 그루지야, 우크라이나 정책이 각국의 국내 엘리트-대중 관계에서 엘리트 자율성, 그리고 민주화에 미친 영향에 주목하였다. 9.11 테러 이후 미국과 러시아는 협력 체제에 있었지만, 색깔 혁명의 발생으로 인해 양국은 갈등 구도에 들어서게 된다. 그루지야와 우크라이나는 미․러 갈등 구도의 중심에 있었다. 활용가능성의 요인으로 인해, 그루지야는 우크라이나보다 전략적 가치가 더 큰 곳이었다. 미․러 갈등 구도 속에서 그루지야 집권 엘리트들은 높은 엘리트 자율성을 가질 수 있었다. 미국은 그루지야에게 큰 경제 원조, 정치적 지원을 하였다. 또한 그루지야-러시아 관계 악화와 2008년 전쟁 발발은 정권의 권위주의 정책을 정당화하고 국내를 결집시키는 기제로 작용하여 그루지야 집권 엘리트들이 높은 자율성을 갖게 해주었고, 이는 민주화 저해로 이어졌다. 우크라이나는 그루지야와 반대였다. 미․러 갈등 구도 속에서 우크라이나 엘리트들은 낮은 자율성을 가졌다. 우크라이나의 집권 엘리트들은 서방과 러시아 양측 모두로부터 확고한 정치적, 경제적 지원을 얻을 수 없었다. 오히려 러시아의 정책으로 인해 국내의 반 오렌지, 대항 엘리트가 공고해지면서, 집권 엘리트의 자율성은 낮아졌다. 엘리트들의 낮은 자율성과 대중에 대한 높은 의존성은 대중 영합주의 정책과 정국 불안의 결과를 낳았으나, 이는 오렌지 혁명 이후 우크라이나 민주주의의 발전을 제한적으로나마 가능하게 해주었다. 본 연구는 민주화 연구에서 그동안 비교적 주목을 덜 받아온 국제적 요인을 다루고, 외교 정책, 국내 엘리트-대중 관계, 민주화의 연계를 통합적으로 보여준다는 점에서 함의가 있다. 본고는 많은 기존 연구들이 상정해 온, 민주화에 대한 서구 민주화 증진 정책의 긍정적 영향과 권위주의 국가의 부정적 영향이라는 단순한 명제의 한계를 드러내주고 있다. 또한 민주주의 지원 정책에서 민주화 단계별로 정책을 달리할 필요성에 대해서 시사한다. ; What caused the difference in democratic trajectories between Georgia and Ukraine after the Color Revolutions? Since the occurrence of the Color Revolutions, Georgia's democracy has laid in tatters, whereas Ukraine has achieved a relatively successful democracy. Georgia and Ukraine share similar domestic determinants which have been discussed in previous democratization literature. This study, however, focuses on the international factor as an explanation for the different democratic fates of democracy between the two countries. Comparing both countries, this thesis uses a framework that integrates international factors, elite autonomy in domestic elite-mass relations, and democratization. The study argues that international factors, specifically the foreign policies of the US and Russia, provide an explanation for the difference in democratic outcomes for the two countries. Following the events of September 11, 2001, US-Russian relations improved. However, the occurrence of the Color Revolutions caused deterioration in the ties between the two countries, and both started to adopt different foreign policies towards the post-Soviet region. Caught in the middle of this conflict between the two great powers were Georgia and Ukraine. The unconditional US support for Georgia and Russia's assertive policy towards Georgia which culminated in the Russian-Georgian War in 2008 enabled the Georgian elites to attain high elite autonomy, thus resulting in democratic stagnation for Georgia. In contrast, Ukraine did not garner the support of either the US or Russia; rather, it was pressured by Russia. The anti-Orange elites in Ukraine were effectively supported by Russia, and, thus, were able to function as a forceful political opposition to the incumbent elites. Therefore, the Ukrainian elites only garnered low autonomy, which resulted in democratic progress in Ukraine despite domestic political chaos. This study contributes to further understanding of the impact of international factors upon democratization. In addition, this thesis creates implications for democracy promotion policy. The conclusion of the thesis challenges the predominant assumption that Western democracy promotion is conducive to actually democratization, and that authoritarian countries' authoritarian promotion policy is harmful to democratization. In the process of democracy promotion policy, policymakers and implementers need both careful monitoring of the process of democratic assistance and coordination with other countries. ; Master

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :사범대학 체육교육과,글로벌스포츠매니지먼트전공,2019. 8. 이충근. ; 스포츠에서 좋은 거버넌스는 국제 스포츠 매니지먼트의 큰 화제이다. 이와 관련한 문제들을 해결하기 위한 제도적 노력에도 불구하고, 스포츠 행정의 스캔들은 여전히 일어나고 있다. 스포츠에서 좋은 거버넌스의 개념은 민주적 가치와 협력 관리에 의해 다루어진다. 이 연구의 목적은 콜롬비아 엘리트 스포츠에 있어 올림픽 및 스포츠 무브번트에 대한 선수들과 이사회의 행정가들의 좋은 거버넌스의 기본 원칙들의 효과성에 대한 인식을 비교하는 것이다. 표본은 62명의 선수들과 30명의 임원들로 구성되었다. 응답자들은 경영, 민주주의, 통합, 투명성, 결속, 선수들의 참여와 자치의 일곱 가지 원칙들을 포함한 온라인 설문조사를 완료하였다. 참여자들 간 좋은 거버넌스의 원칙에 대한 실행과 인식을 비교하기 위해 독립 표본 T 검정을 수행하였다. 전반적으로, 대부분의 참여자들은 좋은 거버넌스의 원칙에 대해 알지 못하였다(N=54, 83%). 임원 집단에서는 대부분이 좋은 거버넌스의 원칙에 대해 알고 있었던 반면(N=25 out of 29), 선수 집단에서는 대부분이 좋은 거버넌스의 원칙을 알지 못하였다(N=50 out of 62). 7가지 원칙들에 대한 차이는 모두 유의하게 나타났다. 콜롬비아 엘리트 스포츠의 좋은 거버넌스의 원칙의 실행에 대한 인식은 선수들과 임원들 간에 통계적 차이가 있었다. 선수들은 그들의 대표성(M= 0.028)과 자치성(M= 0.188) 원칙을 제외한 모든 영역에서 음의 평균을 나타냈다. 임원들은 좋은 거버넌스 원칙의 적용에 대한 인식에서 전반적으로 선수들보다 나은 인식을 가지고 있었으며, 모든 영역에서 정의 평균값을 나타냈다. 좋은 거버넌스와 같은 정책의 실현은 다양한 접근방식을 요구한다. 만약 국가올림픽위원회(NOC)가 그들 스스로 국가 연맹과 함께 좋은 거버넌스 원칙의 실행을 원한다면 이에 관한 교육을 시작해야 할 것이다. ; Good governance in sport is a big issue in international sport management. Despite institutional efforts to solve these problems, scandals in sport administration are still happening. The concept of good governance in sport is addressed by democratic values and corporate management. The purpose of this study was to compare athletes' and executive board members' perception of the effectiveness of the Basic Universal Principles of Good Governance in the Olympic and Sport Movement (PGG) in elite sport in Colombia. This study examined knowledge, implementation and perception of the (PGG). The sample consisted of 62 elite athletes and 30 executives. Respondents completed an online questionnaire that included seven principles such as management, democracy, integrity, transparency, solidarity, athlete's participation and autonomy. An independent-samples t-test was conducted to compare the knowledge, implementation and perception of the PGG among participants. Overall, most of the participants do not know the PGG (N=54, 83%). Into the athletes' group, most of them do not know the PGG (N=50 out of 62); while into the executives' group, most of them know the PGG (N=25 out of 29). There was a significant difference in the scores for each one of the seven principles (p<.0001). The perception of the implementation of PGG in elite sport in Colombia are statistically different between athletes and executives. All categories had negative means from athlete's perspective, with the exemption of athletes' representation (M= 0.028) and autonomy's principles (M= 0.188). The executives had overall better perception of the application of PGG than athletes, all their means were positives. Implementing policies such as good governance requires diverse approaches. If the NOC wants to implement the PGG with themselves and national federations, it should start providing education. ; Chapter 1. Introduction 10 1.1. Background 10 1.2. Objective 11 1.3. Significance 13 Chapter 2. Review of Literature 16 2.1. Effectiveness 16 2.2. Governance 20 2.3. Governance Theories 22 2.4. Sport Governance 24 2.5. Basic Universal Principles of Good Governance 31 2.6. Limitations of Basic Universal Principles of Good Governance in Sport 34 2.7. Elite sport context 36 2.8. Characteristics, Pressures and Challenges for Elite Sports Organizations 38 2.9. The role of State 41 2.10. Colombian Context 43 2.11. Colombian Sports Sector Context 45 2.12. National Sport System 46 2.13. The National Sports Plan 47 2.14. Previous research 48 Chapter 3. Methodology 51 3.2. Sampling 51 3.3. Strategy of Inquiry 52 3.3. Instrument 52 3.4. Data Analysis 54 3.5. Ethical Considerations 54 Chapter 4. Results 55 4.1. T-test results 55 4.1.1. Knowledge of PGG 55 4.1.2 Application of PGG 55 4.1.3. Perceptions of PGG 56 Chapter 5. Discussion 60 5.1. Comparison between athletes and executives 62 5.1.2. Athlete´s perspective 63 5.1.3. Executives' perspective 65 5.1.4. Limitations 67 5.1.5. Proposals 69 5.1.6. Recommendations 70 Chapter 6. Conclusions 71 References 73 Appendix 83 ; Master

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :행정대학원 글로벌행정전공,2019. 8. 권혁주. ; 해외 원조는 크메르루주 정권 이후 처음으로 민주적인 일반 선거가 이루어진 1993년부터 캄보디아의 사회경제적 발전의 주요한 재원이었다. 정부의 투자적 지출의 상당 부분은 무상 원조 또는 차관의 방식으로 이루어진 공적개발원조(ODA) 사업 및 프로그램이 차지하고 있다. 캄보디아는 개발원조의 관리와 원조국들과의 협력 강화를 위해 포괄적인 지도를 받고 의사소통을 계속해나가고 있다. 본 논문은 Whitfield & Fraser의 "구조적 조건"과 Ostrom의 "제도분석틀(IAD Framework)"의 개념을 적용하여 캄보디아의 발전에 필요한 우선 사항과 필수 사항을 달성하기 위해 ODA 자원을 관리하고 활용하는 공공 제도적 장치에 초점을 맞춘다. 본 연구는 특히 ODA 협력을 담당하는 주요 공공 기관들(행위자), 형성된 개발 협력 전략과 지침들, 주요 행위자들이 국가 발전을 위해 ODA를 관리하고 활용하는 데 있어 효과성을 보장하기 위해 사용한 행동양식들을 강조한다. 연구 결과 무상 원조와 차관 방식 모두 정부 경로 외에도 다양한 경로들로 원조가 전달되고 있음이 확인되었다. 본 논문은 건전한 제도적 장치의 존재가 국가 발전에 필요한 요건들을 충족할 수 있도록 개발 원조를 효과적으로 관리하고 활용하는 것을 보장하기 않는다는 점을 입증한다. 이는 낮은 제도적 역량, 공공기관의 파편화된 분업 체계, 그리고 전략과 지침에 대한 상이한 해석이 상이한 행동으로 나타난 것에 기인한 것으로 보인다. ; Foreign aid has been a prominent source for socio-economic development in Cambodia since the first general election in 1993 after the Khmer Rouge era of devastation. A large proportion of government's public investment expenditure has been shared by ODA-financed programs and projects in both Grant and Loan Modalities. Cambodia has established comprehensive guidance and dialogues on managing development assistance and strengthening partnership with all donor counterparts. Applying the concepts of "Structural Conditions" (Whitfield & Fraser) and "Institutional Analysis and Development Framework" (Ostrom), this paper centers on public institutional arrangement for managing and utilizing ODA resources to meet Cambodia's development priorities and requirements. The paper highlights key public institutions (actor) who are authorized to deal with the ODA coordination works, development cooperation strategies and guidelines that have formulated, and the pattern of actions that key actors have been deployed to ensuring the effectiveness of managing and using ODA for national development. The paper's finding illustrates that the flow of ODA, both in Grant and Loan goes through various channels besides the government-designed channels. The paper argues that the presence of sound institutional arrangement did not guarantee effective managing and utilizing development assistance to fully meet national development requirement. This, perhaps, concerns to low institutional capacity, fragmented division of labor among public institutions, and different interpretation of strategies and guidelines into actions. ; Abstract i Table of Contents iii Abbreviation v Tables and Figures vii Chapter 1: Introduction 1 1.1 Background of research and key questions 1 1.2 Problem Statement 2 1.3 Purpose of Research and Research Method 3 1.4 Significance of Study 6 1.5 Limitations 6 Chapter 2: Literature Review and Theoretical Framework 8 2.1 Definition of ODA and Aid Effectiveness Initiatives 8 2.2 Shortcomings and Best Practices 10 2.3 Theoretical Framework 20 2.4 Research Questions 27 2.5 Study population and Data Analysis 28 Chapter 3: ODA Trend and Structural Conditions in Cambodia 30 3.1 Overview of the Development of Cambodia 30 3.2 Type of Project/Programme: Grant and Loan 32 3.3 The Volume of ODA in Last Decade 37 3.4 Structural Conditions 43 Chapter 4: Analysis of Institutional Arrangement in Cambodia 61 4.1 National Strategic Framework for ODA Management 62 4.2 National Dialogue Arrangements 69 4.3 Key Public Actors and Responsibilities 75 4.4 Characteristics of Key Donors and Strategies 78 4.5 The Pattern of Action: ODA via Government Channels 95 4.6 ODA Alignment to NSDP Requirement 104 Chapter 5: Conclusion 111 Bibliography 115 Annex 1: Survey on Aid Effectiveness 124 Annex 2: Global Partnership Monitoring Exercise 125 Annex 3: Loan Provision 126 Annex 4: Grant Provision 127 Annex 5: Term of Assistance 128 Annex 6: Economic Outlook 129 국문초록 130 ; Master