Suchergebnisse

Alexis de Tocqueville was among the first to draw attention to Americans' propensity to form voluntary associations--and to join them with a fervor and frequency unmatched anywhere in the world. For nearly two centuries, we have sought to understand how and why early nineteenth-century Americans were, in Tocqueville's words, "forever forming associations." In The Making of Tocqueville's America, Kevin Butterfield argues that to understand this, we need to first ask: what did membership really mean to the growing number of affiliated Americans? Butterfield explains that the first generations of American citizens found in the concept of membership--in churches, fraternities, reform societies, labor unions, and private business corporations--a mechanism to balance the tension between collective action and personal autonomy, something they accomplished by emphasizing law and procedural fairness. As this post-Revolutionary procedural culture developed, so too did the legal substructure of American civil society. Tocqueville, then, was wrong to see associations as the training ground for democracy, where people learned to honor one another's voices and perspectives. Rather, they were the training ground for something no less valuable to the success of the American democratic experiment: increasingly formal and legalistic relations among people

As with any enterprise involving violence and lots of money, running a plantation in early British America was a serious and brutal enterprise. In the contentious Planters, Merchants, and Slaves, Burnard argues that white men did not choose to develop and maintain the plantation system out of virulent racism or sadism, but rather out of economic logic because--to speak bluntly--it worked. These economically successful and ethically monstrous plantations required racial divisions to exist, but their successes were measured in gold, rather than skin or blood. Sure to be controversial, this book is a major intervention in the scholarship on slavery, economic development, and political power in early British America, mounting a powerful and original argument that boldly challenges historical orthodoxy.

Alexis de Tocqueville was among the first to draw attention to Americans' propensity to form voluntary associations--and to join them with a fervor and frequency unmatched anywhere in the world. For nearly two centuries, we have sought to understand how and why early nineteenth-century Americans were, in Tocqueville's words, "forever forming associations." In The Making of Tocqueville's America, Kevin Butterfield argues that to understand this, we need to first ask: what did membership really mean to the growing number of affiliated Americans? Butterfield explains that the first generations of American citizens found in the concept of membership--in churches, fraternities, reform societies, labor unions, and private business corporations--a mechanism to balance the tension between collective action and personal autonomy, something they accomplished by emphasizing law and procedural fairness. As this post-Revolutionary procedural culture developed, so too did the legal substructure of American civil society. Tocqueville, then, was wrong to see associations as the training ground for democracy, where people learned to honor one another's voices and perspectives. Rather, they were the training ground for something no less valuable to the success of the American democratic experiment: increasingly formal and legalistic relations among people.

Two and a half centuries after the American Revolution the United States stands as one of the greatest powers on earth and the undoubted leader of the western hemisphere. This stupendous evolution was far from a foregone conclusion at independence. The conquest of the North American continent required violence, suffering, and bloodshed. It also required the creation of a national government strong enough to go to war against, and acquire territory from, its North American rivals.In A Hercules in the Cradle, Max M. Edling argues that the federal government's abilities to tax and to borrow money

Americans have long acknowledged a deep connection between evangelical religion and democracy in the early days of the republic. This is a widely accepted narrative that is maintained as a matter of fact and tradition—and in spite of evangelicalism's more authoritarian and reactionary aspects.In Conceived in Doubt, Amanda Porterfield challenges this standard interpretation of evangelicalism's relation to democracy and describes the intertwined relationship between religion and partisan politics that emerged in the formative era of the early republic. In the 1790s, rel

"Americans have long acknowledged a deep connection between evangelical religion and democracy in the early days of the republic. This is a widely accepted narrative that is maintained as a matter of fact and tradition-- and in spite of evangelicalism's more authoritarian and reactionary aspects. In Conceived in Doubt, Amanda Porterfield challenges this standard interpretation of evangelicalism's relation to democracy and describes the intertwined relationship between religion and partisan politics that emerged in the formative era of the early republic. In the 1790s, religious doubt became common in the young republic as the culture shifted from mere skepticism toward darker expressions of suspicion and fear. But by the end of that decade, Porterfield shows, economic instability, disruption of traditional forms of community, rampant ambition, and greed for land worked to undermine heady optimism about American political and religious independence. Evangelicals managed and manipulated doubt, reaching out to disenfranchised citizens as well as to those seeking political influence, blaming religious skeptics for immorality and social distress, and demanding affirmation of biblical authority as the foundation of the new American national identity. As the fledgling nation took shape, evangelicals organized aggressively, exploiting the fissures of partisan politics by offering a coherent hierarchy in which God was king and governance righteous. By laying out this narrative, Porterfield demolishes the idea that evangelical growth in the early republic was the cheerful product of enthusiasm for democracy, and she creates for us a very different narrative of influence and ideals in the young republic"--Provided by publisher.

Today's radio frequency (RF) spectrum measurements are mainly performed by governmental agencies which drive around using bulky and expensive specialized hardware. This approach does not scale well, providing us with only a poor situational awareness of the actual RF spectrum usage around us. We have developed a wideband spectrum monitoring sensor for remote operation that builds upon portable and low-cost commercial off-the-shelf (COTS) hardware components with a total cost per sensor device below $100. This results in a stunning cost reduction factor of 50 to 500 comparing to professional equipment. Our sensor platform adopts the software-defined radio paradigm and performs all signal processing steps on the CPU and GPU of a low-cost single-board computer. We address the challenges of large frequency errors and long scanning times due to the hardware constraints by proposing new correction and optimization methods, providing a satisfactory level of accuracy in indoor and outdoor environments. Our remote sensing platform is envisioned to be used at larger scale for various applications such as dynamic spectrum access in cognitive radios, detecting regions with elevated electro-smog, or for policy enforcement in the electromagnetic space. ; TRUE ; pub

Eestis on eriotstarbeliste masinate liikumist ja selle mõju mullale uuritud peamiselt põllumajanduses, eesmärgiga hinnata põllutöömasinate tallamise mõju kultuurtaimede kasvule põllu- ja rohumaadel. Samas militaarmasinate liikumisvõimalusi on Eesti muldadel uuritud väga vähe. Põhjalik ülevaade mullastikust koos muldade kandvusega võib osutuda võtmetähtsusega informatsiooniks kaitsejõudude jaoks, mille põhjal ennustada maaväeüksuste liikuvus- ja manöövrivõimekust strateegiliselt tähtsates piirkondades. Eesti riigikaitse seisukohalt on üheks strateegilise tähtsusega piirkonnaks Ida-Viru maakond. Uurimustöö esimeseks eesmärgiks oli analüüsida Ida-Viru maakonna mullastikku lähtuvalt mullaliigist, lõimisest ja veerežiimist, mis põhinesid korrastatud ja statistiliselt töödeldud Eesti suure-mõõtkavalise mullakaardi andmetel. Uurimustöö teiseks eesmärgiks oli Ida- Virumaa muldade staatilise kandevõime arvutamine ja selle põhjal roomiksõiduki liikumisvõimaluste hindamine. Mulla kandvuse arvutustes kasutati sisendandmetena mulla lasuvustihedust, sisehõõrdenurka ja kohesiooni. Mullastiku andmebaasi analüüsimisel selgus, et Ida-Virumaal leidub kõige rohkem gleimuldasid (29%) ja turvasmuldasid (27%). Ligi 70% Ida-Virumaa muldadest on alaliselt liigniisked, millest 40% on tugevasti liigniisked mullad. Muldade pealmise kihi lõimise põhjal on enamlevinud muldadeks liivsavi- (30%) ja liivalõimisega (29%) mullad. Mulla staatiline kandvus leiti Terzaghi kandevõime valemite järgi - maksimaalne kandevõime (Qu), lubatud kandevõime (Qa) ja mulla kandevõime kohaliku lihke korral (Qu'). Lisaks arvutati lihtsustatud kandevõime valemi järgi sidusate muldade kandvus. Mulla staatilise kandevõime arvutused näitasid, et kõige madalam kandevõime on turvas- ja turvastunud muldadel, mille maksimaalse kandevõime väärtused jäävad alla 200 kPa. Kõige madalama maksimaalse kandevõimega (Qu) mullaliik oli tugevasti liigniiske leedeturvastunud muld (LG1), mille teoreetiliselt maksimaalne kandevõime väärtus jäi vahemikku 51-91 kPa. Kõige suurema maksimaalse kandevõimega olid parasniisked rähkmullad (K), leostunud ja leetjad mullad (Ko, Kl), näivleetunud mullad (LP) ning põuakartlikud koreserikkad rähkmullad (Kr), mille maksimaalsed kandevõime väärtused olid suuremad kui 3000 kPa. Kahe roomiksõiduki nominaalse pinnasurve (NGP) ja keskmise maksimaalse surve (MMP) võrdluses mulla lubatud kandevõimega selgus, et ligi 37%-l Ida-Virumaa muldadest on väiksem staatiline kandvus kui masinate NGP väärtused (63 kPa ja 83 kPa) ja u 66%-l muldadest on väiksem kandvus kui masinate MMP väärtused (150 kPa ja 224 kPa). Kui lähtuda masinate liikumisvõimaluste hindamisel ainult staatilisest kandevõimest, siis mulla ületatavus on NGP väärtuse järgi piiratud u 1/3 (37%) Ida-Virumaa mullastikust ja MMP väärtuse järgi 2/3 (67%) mullastikust. ; An investigation of the soil data of Ida-Viru county and an evaluation of its soil static bearing capacity The soil cover of Estonia has been thoroughly investigated in agricultural studies, where one of the topics covered has been soil compaction due to heavy field traffic. There has been very little research done about the soil trafficability of military machinery in Estonia. Ida-Viru county is a strategically important area in the context of national defense. Comprehensive information on soil data including soil bearing capacity could have great importance for the estimations of mobility and maneuvering capabilities of armored military units. The first objective of this study was to investigate the soil cover of Ida-Viru county and its variability depending on the soil type, texture and water regime. Analyses were based on structured and statistically processed data from Estonian large-scale soil maps. The second objective was to calculate static bearing capacity for the soil cover of Ida-Viru county and evaluate soil trafficability of two tracked vehicles. Soil bulk density, internal friction and cohesion were used as input data for the calculations. Data analyses of the soil map showed that the most common soils in Ida-Viru county were gleysols (29%). Nearly 70% of the soils in Ida-Viru county were permanently waterlogged, of which 40% were severely waterlogged soils. The most common soils based on topsoil texture were loamy (30%) and sandy (29%) soils. Terzaghi bearing capacity equations were used to calculate ultimate (Qu) and allowable (Qa) bearing capacity and bearing capacity for local shear failure (Qu'). In addition, a simplified bearing capacity equation for cohesive soils was included. The calculation results for bearing capacity showed that soils with the lowest static bearing capacity were peat soils and peaty soils, which have average maximum bearing capacity values below 200 kPa. Severely water-logged peaty podzols (LG1) have the lowest maximum bearing capacity values, which range from 51 to 91 kPa. Soils with the the highest bearing capacity values were humid and drought-prone rendzinas (K, Kr), typical brown soils (Ko), lessive brown soils (KI) and pseudopodzolic soils (LP), which have maximum bearing capacity values higher than 3000 kPa. The soil trafficability of two tracked vehicles was estimated using their nominal ground pressure (NGP) and mean maximum pressure (MMP). Results showed that soils of an allowable bearing capacity of less than the NGP value form about 37% of the total soil cover, and soils of a lower allowable bearing capacity than the MMP values form about 66% of the total soil cover in Ida-Viru county. Based on the results, it was concluded that about 1/3 (37%) of the soils could be considered sensitive to trafficability with respect to NGP values, and about 2/3 (66%) with respect to MMP values. The results of this study can be used for various purposes in agriculture, forest management, environmental monitoring and in soil protection. Further research is necessary to make more detailed and accurate predictions for the trafficability of soils in Ida-Viru county.

"Estratto dal vol. XLI (parte prima) degli Atti della R. Accademia di scienze morali e politiche di Napoli." ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Author's signed presentation copy to Alberto del Vecchio