Suchergebnisse

The sugarcane agro-industry and large-scale mining have generated a profound change in traditional economic practices in the upper Cauca of Colombia to the detriment of the small-scale farmers and miners of the local Afro-descendant population. This has been accompanied by a consolidation of the centralized state since the neoliberal opening and a weakening of the old regional state supported by the paternalistic structure of the agricultural elites. Participative research with two community organizations with regard to the dispute over access to land and environmental assets reveals that the communities and their social organizations have responded to their racialized impoverishment by mobilization and the creation of alliances not only as a means of resistance but also as a strategy for the construction of their own alternative life plans. La agroindustria de caña de azúcar y la minería a gran escala han generado un cambio profundo en las prácticas económicas tradicionales en el Cauca Alto de Colombia, en de-trimento los agricultores y los mineros de pequeña escala de la población afrodescendiente locales. Esto ha sido acompañado por una consolidación del Estado centralizado desde la apertura neoliberal y un debilitamiento del viejo Estado regional apoyado por la estructura paternalista de las elites agrícolas. La investigación participativa con dos organizaciones de la comunidad con respecto a la disputa sobre el acceso a la tierra y los bienes medioambientales revela que las comunidades y sus organizaciones sociales han respondido a su empobrecimiento racializado por la movilización y la creación de alianzas, no sólo como medio de resistencia, pero también como una estrategia para la construcción de sus propios proyectos de vida alternativos.

Background Exposure to violence has negative consequences on mental health. Armed-conflict in Colombia has widely affected Afro-descendants in the Pacific region. Evidence regarding effectiveness of mental health interventions is lacking in low-income settings, especially in areas with active conflict. The objective of this study is to evaluate an individualized Common Elements Treatment Approach (CETA), a transdiagnostic psychotherapy model based on Cognitive-Behavioral Therapy, for adult trauma survivors. Methods and findings A referred sample of 521 adult Afro-descendants from Buenaventura and Quibdó, Colombia, experiencing significant sadness, suffering or fear (score>0.77 in Total Mental Health Symptoms), with history of traumatic experiences, and with associated functional impairment were randomly allocated to CETA intervention, standby group without intervention, but under monthly monitoring, or a Narrative Community-Based Group Therapy. CETA was provided by trained Lay Psychosocial Community Workers without previous mental health experience, supervised by psychologists, during 12–14 weekly, 1.5-hour sessions. Symptoms were assessed with a locally validated survey built based on the Hopkins Symptom Checklist, the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire, the PTSD CheckList–Civilian Version, a qualitative study for additional general symptoms and a gender-specific functional impairment scale. CETA was compared with the control group and the intervention effects were calculated with mixed models using intention to treat analysis. Participant completion of follow-up was 75.1% and 13.2% voluntarily withdrew. Reduction in post-traumatic stress symptoms was significant in both municipalities when comparing intervention and control groups (mean difference), with a with a moderate effect size in Buenaventura (Cohen's d = 0.70) and a small effect size in Quibdó (d = 0.31). In Buenaventura, the intervention also had significant effects on depression (large effect size d = 1.03), anxiety (large effect size d = 0.80) and functional impairment (moderate effect size d = 0.70). In Quibdó, it had no significant effect on these outcomes. Changes in Total Mental Health Symptoms were not significant in neither city. Conclusions This trial suggests that CETA, can be effective in improving depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress and function among victims of systematized violence in low-income and active conflict settings. Nonetheless, the difference of effectiveness between the two cities of intervention may indicate that we cannot assume that a mental health intervention known to be effective in one setting will be effective in another, even in similar circumstances and population. This may have special importance when implementing and reproducing these types of intervention in non-controlled circumstances. Further research should address these concerns. Results can be of use by governmental decision-makers when defining mental health programs for survivors.

ABSTRACT This research sought to identify the participation of different races in organizations and to investigate the opportunities for black people, in terms of employability and professional growth, in Brazil. To meet this objective, documentary research was undertaken with 117 companies, which are among the 500 largest in Brazil. The results indicated that racial democracy is a myth in our society, hence the need to move forward with social policies that minimize inequalities between white and black people in the most significant company positions. The process of producing and reproducing racism continues to restrict the of black people to the highest hierarchical levels. In order to achieve equality for black people in the labour market, we must evolve from social policies of 'good intentions' to the concept of praxis and be positioned among the benchmarks of militant sociology, establishing a set of affirmative government policies, accompanied by practices that encourage diversity in companies and denounce ideologies which reinforce the myth of racial democracy.

Desde 2005 hay un nuevo enfoque en la política del gobierno uruguayo sobre la situación de desigualdad y racismo del colectivo afrouruguayo. El gobierno creó secretarías específicas para atender cuestiones relacionadas con los afrodescendientes. Denominadas "mecanismos de equidad racial", se encargan de coordinar y promover políticas públicas de acciones afirmativas para afrodescendientes a nivel nacional o departamental. En este trabajo se presentan resultados de investigación sobre estos mecanismos utilizando entrevistas, grupos de discusión y análisis documental. Since 2005 there has been a new approach in the Uruguayan government's political in terms of inequality and racism towards Uruguayan Afro-descendants. The government created specific secretariats to deal with matters related to Afro-descendants. These secretariats were called "mecanismos de equidad racial (MER)" [Racial Equality Mechanisms], in charge of the coordination and promotion of affirmative action public policies for Afro-descendants, at departmental or national level. This work presents the results of research related to MERs, from interviews, discussion groups, and documentary analysis.

Desde hace 23 años, los pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes de la Costa Caribe de Nicaragua escriben un nuevo capítulo en su historia por el reconocimiento efectivo de los derechos particulares y su transformación hacia la dignidad en la libre autodeterminación y mejores condiciones de vida. Esta historia inició el 12 de Febrero de 1894 cuando la Reserva de la Mosquitia fue tomada por fuerzas armadas de Nicaragua. La Reserva de la Mosquitia —extendida desde San Juan del Norte en la latitud 11ohasta Cabo Honduras en la latitud 16º y 40 millas tierra adentro desde la costa—, era un territorio de autogobierno bajo la protección de Gran Bretana, con quien la población miskita sostenía una alianza político, militar y comercial desde mediados de 1600. La incorporación de la Mosquitia fue precedida por dos actos importantes. El primero fue la firma del Tratado Clayton – Bulwer en 1850 entre los gobiernos de Gran Bretana y Estados Unidos, donde prácticamente Gran Bretana cedía a Estados Unidos su control geopolítico del Caribe. El segundo acto fue la firma del Tratado Zeledón, Wyke o Tratado de Managua en 1860 entre los gobiernos de Nicaragua y Gran Bretana donde Gran Bretana cedía la Reserva de la Mosquitia a Nicaragua, aunque con la condición de respetar su autonomía política- administrativa (Zapata, 2007).Se debe mencionar que en su alianza con Gran Bretana, los pueblos indígenas (principalmente el miskito) pudieron evitar la Conquista y Colonización Espanola en el hoy Caribe nicaragüense, y con ello, evitaron su exterminio y/o mestizaje a como sucedió en el Pacífico, Centro y Norte del país.

RESUMEN: El destierro en Colombia ha constituido un dispositivo de dominación y control socioespacial que en la última década ha expoliado aproximadamente a cuatro millones de personas, la mayoría afrodescendientes e indígenas. Para los pueblos afrodescendientes el destierro está asociado al secuestro esclavista, a la discriminación racial y a la violencia que les ha subalternizado y geo-situado como perdedores y vencidos en la guerra contemporánea. Los afrodescendientes, errantes y desarraigados, son portadores de memorias desterradas, que encarnan saberes invisibilizados en la identidad nacional y relegados en la geopolítica de la producción y circulación del conocimiento. En este trabajo exploraremos como la experiencia del destierro afrodescendiente en Medellín produce la re-existencia de sujetos políticos que procuran la supervivencia física y gestionan espacios de inclusión social. Re-existir desde la afrocolombianidad implica: articular diferentes saberes y prácticas para motivar solidaridad; desplegar formas creativas de ser/estar/pensar y, producir espacialidades en medio de la precariedad urbana. ; BASTRACT: Exile in Colombia has constituted a socio-spatial dispositive of domination and control, which, in the last decade has plundered around four million people, most of them Afro-descendants and natives. For the Afrodescendant peoples, exile is associated with the kidnapping of slaves, the racial discrimination and the violence which has subalterned and geo-situated them as losers and defeated in the contemporary war. The Afrodescendants, wandering and rootless, bear exiled memories which incarnate invisibilized knowledges in the national identity and are relegated from the geopolitics of knowledge production and circulation. In this work we will explore how the experience of Afro-descendant exile in Medellín produces the re-existence of political subjects who endeavour to survive physically and to manage spaces of social inclusion. To re-exist from the Afro-Colombian condition implies: to articulate different knowledges and practices in order to encourage solidarity; to display creative ways of being/thinking; and, to produce spatialities in the middle of the urban precariousnes.

The aim of this article is to explore the gradual construction of Afro-descendant identities in Spain based on the cultural and artistic productions generated by the collective itself, in particular by prominent Afro-Spanish authors. Employing documentation and socio-semiotic discourse analysis, it provides a mapping of reference works and research on the subject, and it analyses as a case study the photobook And You, Why Are You Black? by Rubén H. Bermúdez (2018). Acknowledging its enunciation from the margins of the public sphere, we examine the construction of meaning articulated in this verb-visual narrative, where the complex operation of narrating oneself implies a reflexive interaction between the individual and the collective. The analysis, also supported by the author's verbal discourse, is articulated through four key sections, landmarks or key moments: the emergence of negritude as a social stigma; the discovery of role models and new transnational imaginaries; the threat of racism and the limits of the idea of nation; and the encounter with the Afro-descendant community, where a militant political and identity awareness is consolidated. Thus, this research reveals the transfiguration of the subject during an initiatory journey, and it illustrates the dynamic and dialogical construction of identity. ; El objetivo de este artículo es explorar la construcción gradual de identidades afrodescendientes en España a partir de producciones culturales y artísticas generadas por el propio colectivo, en particular por parte de destacados autores afroespañoles. Empleando la documentación y el análisis socio-semiótico del discurso, se plantea un mapeo de obras e investigaciones de referencia en torno al tema y se analiza como caso de estudio el fotolibro Y tú, ¿por qué eres negro?, de Rubén H. Bermúdez (2018). Reconociendo su enunciación desde los márgenes de la esfera pública, examinamos la construcción de sentido empleada en este relato verbovisual, donde la compleja operación de narrarse a uno mismo implica una ...

El presente artículo se construye a partir de los avances en mayo de 2014, de un proyecto de investigación en desarrollo iniciado a finales de 2013, titulado Hacia la reconstrucción de los procesos organizativos del movimiento social afrodescendiente en Santander, Colombia, cuyo propósito consiste en identificar la presencia de población organizada y auto -identificada como afrodescendiente, con el fin de reconstruir sus historias, proyectos y propósitos como colectivos que propenden por la defensa de sus derechos y su cultura. ; This article builds on the progress by May 2014 of a research project started by the end of 2013, entitled towards the reconstruction of the organizational processes by the social Afro-descendant movement in Santander, Colombia. Its purpose was to identify the presence of organized and self-identified as Afro-descendant population in order to rebuild their stories, projects and purposes as groups that tend to defend their rights and their culture.

This article refers to a militant research experience -IM-, carried out between 2011 and 2016, in the territories of Afro-descendant communities in the Alto Cauca region, particularly in the districts of El Hormiguero and La Toma, municipalities of Cali and Suárez, respectively. The IM, located in postdisciplinary, critical and decolonial epistemological postures, allows dialogue between communities, researcher and academic institution encouraging intellectual production and the challenges of collective life, which are well expressed in the Muntu, as philosophy inherited from Africa. Here are described tools such as workshops, meetings, stays, participation in meaningful collective actions, interviews, and the Guide for collective reflection -GRC-, which in an innovative, emerging and convergent combination allow to produce relevant, valid and reliable qualitative data that, with the documentary information, sustain a narrative of the complex historical and spatial formation and of the forms of water governance in said region, especially considering socio-ecological transformations caused by the construction and operation of the Salvajina Hydroelectric Power Plant. ; Este artículo se refiere a una experiencia de investigación militante -IM-, realizada entre 2011 y 2016, en territorios de comunidades afrodescendientes en la región del Alto Cauca, particularmente en los corregimientos de El Hormiguero y La Toma, municipios de Cali y Suárez, respectivamente. La IM, ubicada en posturas epistemológicas postdisciplinares, críticas y decoloniales, permite el diálogo entre comunidades, investigador e institucionalidad académica alentando la producción intelectual y los desafíos de vida colectiva, que bien se expresan en el Muntu, como filosofía heredada de África. Acá son descritas herramientas como talleres, reuniones, estadías, participación en acciones colectivas significativas, entrevistas, y la Guía para la Reflexión Colectiva -GRC- que, en una conjunción innovadora, emergente y convergente, permiten producir datos cualitativos relevantes, válidos y confiables que, con la información documental, sustentan una narrativa de la formación histórica y espacial compleja, y de las formas de gobernanza del agua en dicha región, considerando transformaciones socioecológicas provocadas por la construcción y operación de la Central Hidroeléctrica de Salvajina. ; Este artigo refere-se a uma experiência -IM- militante pesquisa, conduzida entre 2011 e 2016, em territórios de comunidades afrodescendentes na região do Alto Cauca, particularmente nos distritos de El Hormiguero e La Toma, municípios de Cali e Suarez, respectivamente. IM, localizada nas posturas epistemológicas postdisciplinares, críticas e decoloniais permite o diálogo entre as comunidades, pesquisador e instituição acadêmica, incentivando a produção intelectual e as apostas da vida coletiva, que é expressada na Muntu, como filosofia herdada de África. Aqui são descritas ferramentas como oficinas, reuniões, estancias, participação em ações coletivas significativas, entrevistas e a Guia para a reflexão coletiva -GRC-, que em conjunção innovadora, emergente e convergente permitem produzir dados qualitativos relevantes, válidos e confiáveis que, com a informação documental, sustentam uma narrativa da complexa formação histórica e espacial e das formas de governança da água na referida região, considerando especialmente as transformações provocadas pela construção e operação da Usina Hidrelétrica de Salvajina