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Central America is undergoing an important transition. Urban populations are increasing at accelerated speeds, bringing pressing challenges for development, as well as opportunities to boost sustained, inclusive and resilient growth. Today, 59 percent of the region's population lives in urban areas, but it is expected that 7 out of 10 people will live in cities within the next generation. At current rates of urbanization, Central America's urban population will double in size by 2050, welcoming over 25 million new urban dwellers calling for better infrastructure, higher coverage and quality of urban services and greater employment opportunities. With more people concentrated in urban areas, Central American governments at the national and local levels face both opportunities and challenges to ensure the prosperity of their country's present and future generations. The Central America Urbanization Review: Making Cities Work for Central America provides a better understanding of the trends and implications of urbanization in the six Central American countries -Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama- and the actions that central and local governments can take to reap the intended benefits of this transformation. The report makes recommendations on how urban policies can contribute to addressing the main development challenges the region currently faces such as lack of social inclusion, high vulnerability to natural disasters, and lack of economic opportunities and competitiveness. Specifically, the report focuses on four priority areas for Central American cities: institutions for city management, access to adequate and well-located housing, resilience to natural disasters, and competitiveness through local economic development. This book is written for national and local policymakers, private sector actors, civil society, researchers and development partners in Central America and all around the world interested in learning more about the opportunities that urbanization brings in the 21st century.

In El Salvador I think that President Duarte is trying hard. Fidel Chavez Mena, his foreign minister, and José Antonio Morales Ehrlich, the other Christian Democratic member of the junta, are both good men. Manuel Ungo [of the FDR] is not bad and not good. I looked at the agrarian reform and inspected a farm and it seemed to be well run, but they can't make a cent because of the world price of coffee. The price of coffee is Salvador's number one problem. Cayetano Carpio, the top Communist in El Salvador, is a very stubborn man—very hard to deal with. You can deal with some Communists. Fidel Castro is a real bastard, but you can deal with him.The people in Washington think they know what they are doing, but they don't. I have had hundreds of experiences with the U.S. Government.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface -- 1 THE ORIGINS OF THE INTEGRATION MOVEMENT -- 2 THE ROLE OF ECLA AND THE UNITED STATES -- ECLA's Hegmony, 1951-1959 -- The Role of the United States, 1959-1963 -- Summary -- 3 THE DEVELOPMENT GOALS OF THE CENTRAL AMERICAN ELITES -- The Case for Regional Integration in Central America -- The Central American Elites ' Development Goals -- CACM: Success or Failure? -- 4 BALANCED GROWTH -- Honduras' Demand for Preferential Treatment -- Domestic Opposition in Honduras: The Rivera Report -- Conclusions -- 5 THE SAN JOSE PROTOCOL -- The Emergence of the Balance of Payments Issue -- The Failure of Tax Reform -- The Failure of the San Jose Protocol -- The Significance of the San Jose Protocol -- The Nicaraguan Crisis -- Conclusions -- 6 THE SOCCER WAR -- The Frontier Question -- The Migration Issue -- The Common Market and the Soccer War -- The Internal Political Situation in Honduras -- The Internal Political Situation in El Salvador -- The Aftermath of the Soccer War -- Summary -- 7 RECONSTRUCTION: 1969-1978 -- The Modus Operandi -- Costa Rica Engineers a Crisis -- The Central American Economic and Social Community -- Obstacles to Restructuring -- Integracion de hecho si no de derecho -- 8 CONCLUSIONS -- The Goals of the Politicos -- The Role of the Politicos -- Crises: The Politics of Brinkmanship -- The Conflict Between Regional Integration and National Political Development -- BIBLIOGRAPHY.