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The current refugee crisis is the greatest humanitarian challenge that the EU has faced since its foundation. Men and women, old and young, all have been part of the recent influx of asylum seekers into the European Union. But a lesser-known story about it is the rapid rise of the number of children migrants traveling without an adult guardian. It has become increasingly clear that children, many of them unaccompanied by a parent, relative or guardian, are in the forefront of the crisis. Since 2008, about 198,500 unaccompanied minors have entered Europe seeking asylum, according to data from Eurostat. The closure of European borders and the lack of an effective strategy to cope with waves of refugees often leave unaccompanied minors crossing into Europe with no one to turn to. Authorities try to avoid responsibility for their care and protection. The existing EU and national measures are poorly implemented. Unsurprisingly, many children have lost trust in the institutions and measures intended to guarantee their rights, safety and well-being. These underlying problems have contributed to deplorable reception conditions, particularly in refugee camps, while prolonged uncertainty about children's legal status has left them 'living in limbo'. Such outcomes have in turn exposed vulnerable children to smugglers and human traffickers, and it is conservatively estimated that at least 10,000 unaccompanied migrant children are currently missing in the EU. This article provides an overview of the regulations covering this area. It also discusses the particular challenges of creating a coherent, sustainable, and consistent approach towards unaccompanied minors, analyzing the current policies and the changing trends that policymakers must take into account as they address the phenomenon of child migration. Key words: unaccompanied minor, refugee crisis, regulations, trends, missing children

The current refugee crisis is the greatest humanitarian challenge that the EU has faced since its foundation. Men and women, old and young, all have been part of the recent influx of asylum seekers into the European Union. But a lesser-known story about it is the rapid rise of the number of children migrants traveling without an adult guardian. It has become increasingly clear that children, many of them unaccompanied by a parent, relative or guardian, are in the forefront of the crisis. Since 2008, about 198,500 unaccompanied minors have entered Europe seeking asylum, according to data from Eurostat. The closure of European borders and the lack of an effective strategy to cope with waves of refugees often leave unaccompanied minors crossing into Europe with no one to turn to. Authorities try to avoid responsibility for their care and protection. The existing EU and national measures are poorly implemented. Unsurprisingly, many children have lost trust in the institutions and measures intended to guarantee their rights, safety and well-being. These underlying problems have contributed to deplorable reception conditions, particularly in refugee camps, while prolonged uncertainty about children's legal status has left them 'living in limbo'. Such outcomes have in turn exposed vulnerable children to smugglers and human traffickers, and it is conservatively estimated that at least 10,000 unaccompanied migrant children are currently missing in the EU. This article provides an overview of the regulations covering this area. It also discusses the particular challenges of creating a coherent, sustainable, and consistent approach towards unaccompanied minors, analyzing the current policies and the changing trends that policymakers must take into account as they address the phenomenon of child migration. Key words: unaccompanied minor, refugee crisis, regulations, trends, missing children

COVID-19 pandemic is a universal health crisis that has put the entire world economy at a halt. The pandemic impact on the migrant economy cannot be ignored. India is not exceptional to this and has gone beyond public health to social and economic issues, especially for migrant workers. Since, the union government imposed restrictions on mobility, commercial activities and social interactions under lockdown measures to tackle the spreading Corona virus since March 2020. However, the leader-centric approach keep in mind the lockdown implications on the lives of migrant, underprivileged, or marginalised groups of the country which need to be discussed. Immediate matters of concern are food, shelter, healthcare, loss of job, survival of family, anxiety, and fear etc. In this context, this paper aims to shed light on the vulnerability of India's internal migrants in terms of their mobility, gender, mental health and other issues in a detailed manner. Also looks into the Government initiatives in solving problems of migrants during the lockdown period. In addition, it critically analyses the limitations of public policy in addressing migrants and suggests recommendations for the way ahead.

We investigated the mental health status of 320 internal migrants in Beijing according to gender, age, marital status, and monthly income, and examined the relationship between their mental health status and social support mechanisms. Participants completed the self-report Symptom Checklist-90-R
and Social Support Rating Scale. Results showed that their mental health was significantly worse than the Chinese adult norm as assessed in 2017. Participants' social support varied according to age, marital status, and monthly income. Female participants younger than 30 years old with a monthly
income lower than 3,000 yuan comprised the group with the most mental health disorder symptoms. They thus required greater personal attention to their health. The results suggested that social support can predict mental health among internal migrants. Directions for further research are discussed.

SummaryThis study aimed to understand access to maternal health care and the factors shaping it amongst poor migrants in Mumbai, India. A cross-sectional mixed methods approach was used. It included multistage cluster sampling and face-to-face interviews, through structured interview schedules, of 234 migrant women who had delivered in the two years previous to the date they were interviewed. Qualitative in-depth interviews of migrant women, health care providers and health officials were also conducted to understand community and provider perspectives. The results showed that access to antenatal care was poor among migrants with less than a third of them receiving basic antenatal care and a quarter delivering at home. Multivariate analysis highlighted that amongst migrant women those who stayed in Mumbai during pregnancy and delivery had better access to maternal health care than those who went back to their home towns. Poor maternal health care was also due to weaker demand for health care as a result of the lack of felt-need among migrants due to socio-cultural factors and lack of social support for, and knowledge of, health facilities in the city. Supply-side factors such as inadequate health infrastructure at primary and secondary levels, lack of specific strategies to improve access to health care for migrants and cumbersome administrative procedures that exclude migrants from certain government programmes all need to be addressed. Migrants should be integral to the urban development process and policies should aim at preventing their exclusion from basic amenities and their entitlements as citizens.

This article makes a case for attending to the specificities of child illegality in migrant contexts. This is not simply because children have been left out of previous accounts, but also because their status as minors makes both their citizenship and their illegality different to that of adults. The analysis is based on research with children born to migrants in the state of Sabah, East Malaysia. I argue that such children are configured as Sabah's impossible children, and that this configuration influences their experiences of illegality and exclusion in distinctive ways. From a young age, children are aware of document 'checking' raids and, as 'foreigners', are unable to attend Malaysian schools. However, informal documents from learning centres, as well as age and contingent circumstances, may give them a temporary, 'liminal' legality. Finally, given that irregular migrants experience both exclusion and inclusion in a host nation, the article describes children's urban forms of belonging. These forms of inclusion demonstrate children's engagement with Sabah as a home, as against their political construction as an impossible problem.