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In this experimental study we examine the behavior of Bundeswehr officers and officer candidates regarding their willingness to cooperate. Due to the military training which focuses on comradeship and reliable teamwork even under extreme conditions, we expect a strong bond between soldiers and therefore more cooperation among them. Furthermore there are additional norms for soldiers that explicitly call for social responsibility and an appropriate behavior relative to civilians. For that reason we also expect more altruism and trust of soldiers compared to pure civilian groups. To explore these issues in an experimental setting, the subjects had to play the dictator game, the ultimatum game, and the trust game. These three established experiments allow us to measure and distinguish between different aspects of social and cooperative motivation. We find that soldiers are on average more altruistic, more cooperative, and more trusting as well as more trustworthy. These results do not only hold for the interaction among soldiers but in most cases also with regard to the behavior of soldiers towards civilians. ; In dieser experimentellen Studie untersuchen wir das kooperative Verhalten von Offizieren (bzw. Offiziersanwärtern) der Bundeswehr. Dabei betrachten wir ihre Interaktionen sowohl untereinander als auch gegenüber zivilen Probanden. Unsere Kernhypothesen sind, dass sich die angehenden Offiziere aufgrund ihrer stark auf Gemeinschaftssinn ausgerichteten Ausbildung (Kameradschaft) und einem auf gesellschaftliche Verantwortung hin orientierten Selbstverständnis (Sozialkapital) sowohl untereinander als auch gegenüber den zivilen Probanden kooperativer verhalten als eine rein zivile Vergleichsgruppe. Wir ziehen hierfür mit dem Diktatorspiel, dem Ultimatumspiel sowie dem Investitionsspiel (trust game) drei etablierte Standardexperimente heran, mit denen sich jeweils bestimmte Facetten (pro)sozialer bzw. kooperativer Motivation messen und voneinander unterscheiden lassen. Im Experiment verhalten sich Soldaten im Durchschnitt signifikant altruistischer, kooperativer, vertrauensvoller und vertrauenswürdiger. Dies gilt in den meisten Fällen nicht nur für das Verhalten unter Soldaten sondern auch von Soldaten gegenüber Zivilisten.

US and British casualty figures in Afghanistan experienced a dramatic surge in 2010. A total of 499 US troops and 103 British soldiers were killed by the Taliban last year with thousands more seriously injured by improvised explosive devices (IEDs). The casualty statistics for Afghanistan paint a grim picture of the US-led International Security Assistance Force's (ISAF) campaign against the Taliban. ISAF's war in Afghanistan deteriorated significantly in 2007 as the Taliban re-grouped, re-organised and finessed its counter-insurgency strategy against NATO. For example, the number of US and British troops killed in action by the Taliban on an annual basis trebled between 2007 and 2009. This spike in combat deaths prompted President Obama to announce an Iraq-style troop surge to be deployed in Afghanistan during 2010. The US troop surge in Iraq in 2007 is often cited as the primary causal factor in the reduction of US casualties there by up to 90% between 2007 and 2009. Whilst many observers dispute this claim, the Obama administration had hoped that there would be a similar reduction in US casualties in Afghanistan. General David Petraeus, architect of the Iraq surge, assumed command of ISAF in July of last year as NATO operations intensified in Afghanistan. Unfortunately however, increased troop levels – along with a genuine attempt to engage the civilian population with hundreds of civilian-led provincial reconstruction teams – has not led to a reduction in hostilities or casualties. The number of Afghan civilians killed in the war almost doubled during 2010. In addition, US casualties – from a peak in 2009 – doubled yet again in 2010.

During the early modern centuries, gunpowder and artillery revolutionized warfare, and armies grew rapidly. To sustain their new military machines, the European rulers turned increasingly to their civilian subjects, making all levels of civil society serve the needs of the military. This volume examines civil-military interaction in the multinational Swedish Realm in 1550–1800, with a focus on its eastern part, present-day Finland, which was an important supply region and battlefield bordered by Russia. Sweden was one of the frontrunners of the Military Revolution in the 16th and 17th centuries. The crown was eager to adapt European models, but its attempts to outsource military supply to civilians in a realm lacking people, capital, and resources were not always successful. This book aims at explaining how the army utilized civilians – burghers, peasants, entrepreneurs – to provision itself, and how the civil population managed to benefit from the cooperation. The chapters of the book illustrate the different ways in which Finnish civilians took part in supplying war efforts, e.g. how the army made deals with businessmen to finance its military campaigns and how town and country people were obliged to lodge and feed soldiers. The European armies' dependence on civilian maintenance has received growing scholarly attention in recent years, and Civilians and Military Supply in Early Modern Finland brings a Nordic perspective to the debate. Petri Talvitie, PhD, is Academy Research Fellow at the Department of Economic and Social History at the University of Helsinki. Juha-Matti Granqvist, PhD, is Visiting Researcher at the Department of Philosophy, History and Art Studies at the University of Helsinki. The contributors of the book are historians specialized in early modern Finnish and Swedish society.

'Military-Civilian Interactions: Intervening in Humanitarian Crises' by Thomas G. Weiss is reviewed.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Chapter 2: Exploring and Explaining Participation in War Crimes -- Obedience to Orders and International Law -- International Relations -- Internalization and Substate Approaches -- Looking Inside the Military as an Organization -- Socialization -- Subculture and Counterculture -- Explaining Unit Commission of War Crimes -- Understanding the Process of Unit Behavior -- Measuring Socialization and Subculture -- Concentrating on Units -- Examining a Range of Conflicts -- Evidence -- References -- Chapter 3: The Korean War and the Challenge of Civilian Refugees -- A Difficult Beginning for US Forces -- Mass Civilian Refugee Flows -- Common Explanations -- Savagery of Combat -- "State of Shameful Unreadiness" -- Socialization -- Training -- Enforcement -- Subcultures and Countercultures -- Poor Discipline and Bugging Out -- Regimental Identity -- Unit Leadership -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: Enemies or Friendlies? British Military Behavior Toward Civilians During the Malayan Emergency -- The Challenges of Reoccupation -- The Realities of the "Emergency" -- Killing Bandits and Sympathizers -- Common Explanations -- The Ugliness of the Enemy and Jungle Warfare -- Poor Morale and Inexperience -- Socialization -- Training -- Enforcement -- Subculture and Counterculture -- Discipline -- Regimental Identity -- The Scots Guards -- The Suffolks -- The Role of Unit Leaders -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: The Dark Side of Peacekeeping: The Canadian Airborne Regiment in Somalia -- New Internationalism and Canadian Leadership on the World Stage -- The CAR -- Camp Security and Engagement with Civilians -- The Death of Shidane Arone -- Common Explanations -- Base Intrusions and Deterrence -- White Soldiers and Black Bodies -- Frustration and Morale -- Socialization -- Training.

Since Imran Khan took office as Pakistan's Prime Minister (PM) in August 2018, there has been an obvious improvement in the ties between the civilian government and the country's armed forces. It is argued here that this new civil-military cordiality led to a constructive, less tensed working relationship between the army's top brass and the civilian administration; however, it did not translate into any reduction in the military's political influence, particularly over foreign affairs. […]

"March 1980." ; "ADA096971." ; "Prepared for Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense/Manpower, Reserve Affairs, and Logistics." ; "R-2353-MRAL." ; Bibliography: p. 43. ; Photocopy. ; Mode of access: Internet.

China's ambitious military reform deepens with the establishment of a new commission on 22 January 2017 helmed by Chinese President Xi Jinping. The new commission will oversee the integration of military and civilian development. Xi aims to nurture Chinese defence manufacturers that are comparable to Lockheed Martin and Boeing in the United States and develop a military-industrial complex for the military modernisation commensurate with its rising international profile.