Suchergebnisse

S'inspirant de l'approche d'Ozga et Lawn (1981) au sujet du personnel enseignant britannique, cet article étudie le comportement des enseignant(es) des écoles publiques en Colombie britannique comme employé(es) dependant de l'état. Il présente une vue d'ensemble historique de leur avance vers le syndicalisme, de la hausse des salaires, de l'améloriation des conditions de travail, des plans de pension, de l'autonomie professionnelle, etc. Le professionnalisme les a aidés à améliorer leur bien‐être et leur niveau de qualifications, à s'impliquer dans leur service et à s'assurer une représentation sur des comités divers, au ministère provincial de l'éducation. Cependant, ces enseignant(es) n'ont pas de contrôle sur le curriculum, leur entrée dans l'enseignement et sur le choix des élèves. Ce groupe, comme tant d'autres, doit faire face à une lutte constante, surtout durant les périodes de recul économique.Following the approach of Ozga and Lawn (1981) on British teachers, this paper examines the class relations of public school teachers in British Columbia as dependent state employees. It presents a historical overview of their pursuit of higher salaries, unionization, better working conditions, pensions, professional autonomy etc. Professionalism helped to improve their economic well‐being, their commitment to service and their qualifications, and to secure representation on various committees of the provincial Education Department. But teachers do not control the curriculum, entrance into teaching or whom they must teach. They are faced, like other workers, with constant struggle, particularly during economic recessions.

"A rich investigation into Morocco's urban politics Over the past thirty years, Morocco's cities have transformed dramatically. To take just one example, Casablanca's medina is now obscured behind skyscrapers that are funded by global capital and encouraged by Morocco's monarchy, which hopes to transform this city into a regional leader of finance and commerce. Such changes have occurred throughout Morocco. Megaprojects are redesigning the cityscapes of Rabat, Tangiers, and Casablanca, turning the nation's urban centers into laboratories of capital accumulation, political dominance, and social control. In Globalized Authoritarianism, Koenraad Bogaert links more abstract questions of government, globalization, and neoliberalism with concrete changes in the city. Bogaert goes deep beneath the surface of Morocco's urban prosperity to reveal how neoliberal government and the increased connectivity engendered by global capitalism transformed Morocco's leading urban spaces, opening up new sites for capital accumulation, creating enormous class divisions, and enabling new innovations in state authoritarianism. Analyzing these transformations, he argues that economic globalization does not necessarily lead to increased democratization but to authoritarianism with a different face, to a form of authoritarian government that becomes more and more a globalized affair. Showing how Morocco's experiences have helped produce new forms of globalization, Bogaert offers a bridge between in-depth issues of Middle Eastern studies and broader questions of power, class, and capital as they continue to evolve in the twenty-first century"--

Throughout the developing world, rapid urbanization is leading to new social relations and new conflicts between urban and (formerly) rural populations. This paper examines this process of change through a detailed examination of changing rural-urban relations in the town of Darjeeling, in the Himalayan foothills in Eastern India. In Darjeeling, increased rural mobility, accelerated rural-to-urban migration and the increased participation of rural people in local politics have led to major changes in the town. We demonstrate that the upward trajectory of rural classes who were previously subordinate is leading the more established urban residents to feel threatened, resulting in a redrawing of local political issues along rural-urban lines and a reconfiguration of class consciousness and social relations. The urban middle class, whose opportunities in the town have stagnated or declined, see rural migrants as a source of competition for increasingly scarce resources and blame them for the overall decline in the quality of urban life. They mobilize their (predominantly cultural) capital to reinforce markers of cultural distinction between them and the rural migrants and to delegitimize the political gains they have made. We argue that rural-urban conflict is emerging as the chief source of tension in the town and that this tension is largely grounded in class issues. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

The paper will show how the Marxian concept of class can be applied to the processes of slavery in the American antebellum South. The use of the notion of classes, and particularly the reconceptualized concepts of fundamental and subsumed class processes, provides an alternative to the received non-Marxian categories of plantation capitalism and planter hegemony. These concepts are developed and applied to Southern class conflicts over both state banking and national monetary policy. Competition among various classes is shown to have had significant influences on the nature of these conflicts.

Using interview data obtained from women who worked on assembly lines in interwar GB, the relationship between wage & domestic economies is examined. Arguing that most theories of class fail to consider the labor expended in domestic production, it is suggested that changes in the labor structure in the home brought the domestic economy into the market economy. Mass production of domestic goods & the decline in domestic service are cited as factors in the commodification of domestic labor. It is suggested that the influx of women into the wage-labor market during the 1920s & 1930s also played a key role in merging the two economic spheres. Market & domestic economies are thus conceptualized as two poles in a larger framework of production. Conclusions underscore the need to incorporate a theory of gender difference & relations into theories of class & the division of labor. 20 References. L. Baker

Beginning with the suppression of the Gezi Park protests in 2013, the AKP aimed to counteract and oppress social and political opposition. The proponents of hegemonic liberal-conservative approach considered this process as the AKP's authoritarian turn, and explained it with references to the tutelary regime borrowed from either the Republican state or neoliberalism on a global scale. Nevertheless, the liberal-conservative approach could not adequately identify the AKP's attempt at transition to the exceptional form of state already beginning in 2010. This article borrows its theoretical and conceptual framework from Marxism. It argues that the AKP's attempt was a result of and a response to the hegemonic crisis of the charity state as a particular sociohistorical form of authoritarian neoliberal state in Turkey. The AKP's aim to transform and reconsolidate the charity state remained in conformity with its goal to maintain bourgeois class domination under the tutelage of religion.

Abstract
Recent scholarship on primitive accumulation and deagrarianisation in the global South has addressed a decline in formal employment prospects, leaving most ex-peasants (and their heirs) struggling to earn a livelihood in the informal economy. Taking this phenomenon as a point of departure, and drawing on the case of migrant waste collectors in Mae Sot, Thailand, this article examines the multiple ways that waste collectors are embedded in informal relations of production and exchange. This variable relational embeddedness has implications, it is argued, for the forms of struggle available to those engaged in informal labour.