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This book delves into the conceptual changes produced by the Spanish constitutional debate held between 27 August and 9 December 1931. Taking place at the beginning of Spain's Second Republic, those parliamentary deliberations brought about significant novelties in the political vocabulary. Concepts such as democracy, sovereignty, reform, revolution, and freedom, among others, were re-signified.

This study investigates the conceptual contributions made by Spanish MPs in the course of the constitutional debate of 1931 by assuming, as a research approach, an interdisciplinary stance combining conceptual history, political theory, and parliamentary constitutional history. By doing so, it selects five determining issues: the pervasive discussion about two competing meanings of a democratic state; the rhetorical uses of reform and revolution; conceptual controversies about religious freedom; the disputed idea of property rights; and the functions of parliament and the president of the republic in a semi-presidential regime. The constitutional debate was largely inspired by interwar European constitutionalism which constituent representatives used to update the Spanish constitutional tradition.

With that goal in mind, this book is aimed at undergraduate and graduate students and scholars working in the fields of conceptual history, political philosophy, parliamentary history, European political history, and European constitutionalism.

The practice of transitional justice in Poland has been closely linked to the process of democratization, but the nature & dynamics of that relationship have remained hotly contested. While both the opponents & the proponents of so-called "lustration" justified their positions in the vocabulary of liberal democracy, they tended to approach the concepts of rights & democracy from two theoretically distinct positions. The debates surrounding this issue revealed & solidified the post-communist cleavage within the group of the former dissidents in regard to their normative theorization of democracy, & a characteristic of this cleavage was polarization of the concepts of restorative justice & retributive justice. Adapted from the source document.

Oili Pulkkisen valtio-opin väitöstutkimuksessa analysoidaan poliittisen ilmiötä skotlantilaisessa valistuksessa 1700-luvun jälkipuoliskolla. Näennäisen ongelmattomana pidetty politiikka-käsite paljastuu moniulotteiseksi tiedon, elämänalan ja taidon käsitekimpuksi. Työssä sovelletaan käsitehistoriallista metodologiaa uudella tavalla. Keskeinen tutkimuskohde on politiikan käsite, jota tutkittavat ajattelijat eivät pitäneet lainkaan ongelmallisena. ; Taking the polit-vocabulary – politics, polity, policy, political and a politician – as a point of departure, this study reconstructs the idea of the political in the eighteenth-century Scottish Enlightenment. A conceptual method – a particular mode of conceptual history – plays a crucial role in this study. The political is conceptualised by reading the spontaneous use of the politconceptions, metaphors and allusions of the political. According to present interpretation, politics as knowledge was interwoven to ethics and jurisprudence as well as the political was subordinated to the social, or even synonymous with it. This study contemplates an alternative interpretation of the political as a particular sphere of human life and knowledge. Three modes of the political can be reconstructed in the Scottish texts: the political as politics, the political as a particular sphere of human life, and the political as prudent activity. The internal differentiation of moral science, especially elementary lectures on morals, reflected politics as a particular branch of moral science. The political as a sphere was reflected by the concept of a political society, which represented a particular mode of human life. The differentiation of the political sphere was constructed by histories of the origins of political societies and by revisions of contractarian theories. The political as activity, or as activityoriented prudence, was separate from politics as science. Further, there were different modes of political prudence: a philosopher, a prince, a legislator, an ambassador and a leader in the Scottish texts. Scottish philosophers reflected the political rather by revising classical vocabulary of the political rather than by inventing new concepts and conceptions. Despite this the Scottish polit-vocabulary represented a departure from the Aristotelian unity of ethics, justice and politics.

This book reconsiders the dominant Western understandings of freedom through the lens of women's real-life experiences of domestic violence, welfare, and Islamic veiling. Nancy Hirschmann argues that the typical approach to freedom found in political philosophy severely reduces the concept's complexity, which is more fully revealed by taking such practical issues into account. Hirschmann begins by arguing that the dominant Western understanding of freedom does not provide a conceptual vocabulary for accurately characterizing women's experiences. Often, free choice is assumed when women are i

This book reconsiders the dominant Western understandings of freedom through the lens of women's real-life experiences of domestic violence, welfare, and Islamic veiling. Nancy Hirschmann argues that the typical approach to freedom found in political philosophy severely reduces the concept's complexity, which is more fully revealed by taking such practical issues into account. Hirschmann begins by arguing that the dominant Western understanding of freedom does not provide a conceptual vocabulary for accurately characterizing women's experiences. Often, free choice is assumed when women are in f.

This article advances the argument that the acceleration of practices introduced by digital technologies also impact key concepts of social theory. Digital technologies not only give rise to new concepts, but they also reconfigure our entire socio-political conceptual vocabulary. In particular, this acceleration reorganises the relationship between the spatial and temporal dimensions of political concepts. As a consequence, our spatially defined understanding of authority, hierarchy or relation underestimates the repercussions of shifting temporalities. This article pursues this shift from space to time and outlines how temporal relationality is gradually impacting the representations and images we live by.

Philosophy and Government is a major new contribution to our understanding of European political theory which will challenge the perspectives in which political thought is understood. Framed as a general account of the period between 1572 and 1651 it charts the formation of a distinctively modern political vocabulary, based upon arguments of political necessity and raison d'etat in the work of the major theorists. Whilst Dr Tuck pays detailed attention to Montaigne, Grotius, Hobbes and the theorists of the English Revolution, he also reconsiders the origins of their conceptual vocabulary in humanist thought - particularly scepticism and stoicism - and its development and appropriation during the revolutions in Holland and France. This book will be welcomed by all historians of political thought and those interested in the development of the idea of the state

Abstract Infant bilingualism offers a unique opportunity to study the relative effects of language experience and maturation on brain development, with each child serving as his or her own control. Event‐related potentials (ERPs) to words were examined in 19‐ to 22‐month‐old English‐Spanish bilingual toddlers. The children's dominant vs. nondominant languages elicited different patterns of neural activity in the lateral asymmetry of an early positive component (P100), and the latencies and distributions of ERP differences to known vs. unknown words from 200–400 and 400–600 ms. ERP effects also differed for 'high' and 'low' vocabulary groups based on total conceptual vocabulary scores. The results indicate that the organization of language‐relevant brain activity is linked to experience with language rather than brain maturation.

The paper presents an onomasiological analysis of the conceptual field "Education" exemplified by the vocabulary of the national variants of the French language of France, Belgium, Switzerland, and Canada (Province of Quebec) with the aim to establish the basic nomination principles and identify inter-variational differences within the framework of three sectors of the conceptual field "Education": "Educational institutions (établissement d'enseignement)", "Teaching staff (personnel enseignant)", "Students (étudiants)". The basic principles of nominating in the field of education are identified by considering the internal conceptual structure of the language units under analysis; inter-variational differences and alterations are stated by categorical-and-semantic comparability of the differentiation semes in the nominations of three sectors of the conceptual field "Education". The analysis allows to conclude that there exist generic categorical-and-semantic instances within nomination structures that indicate location of training or teaching, specialty, disciplines studied or taught, age, status of the teacher or student, level and methodology of training. In designation of objects in the sectors of the conceptual field "Education" lexical units get into hypernym-and-hyponym relations, thus categorically every sector is formed around some basic concept that is explicated in a hypernym, general nomination for four territorial variants of French, and a set of hyponyms that are more specific and not alike in the exemplification of general semes. The onomasiological analysis of the conceptual field "Education" reveals intervariational concomitant or alternating features, especially in sectors of "Educational institutions (établissement d'enseignement)", "Students (étudiants)" due to certain social-and-institutional reasons.

The achievement of gender equality in education, and of women's empowerment more generally, have recently become established amongst the highest international priorities for policy action. This paper examines the processes by which they came to be included amongst the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It argues that the revised targets to 2015 are more practicable than earlier goals. However, it shows that rates of progress will need to be improved, and that financial support from the north is still running at less than half the required levels. Goal achievement presupposes some agreed understanding of the meaning of gender equality. The paper reveals important contradictions between the language of analysis and the vocabulary of policy. Finally, it examines some of the instruments available for monitoring progress and building pressure for policy reform. It shows that failures to meet policy undertakings are as evident – and as serious in their implications for the possibility of achieving the MDGs – amongst aid donors as they are amongst developing-country governments themselves.

"This book is an original, systematic, and radical attempt at decolonizing critical theory. Drawing on linguistic concepts from sixteen languages from Asia, Africa, the Arab world, and South America, the essays in the volume explore the entailments of words while discussing their conceptual implications for the humanities and the social sciences everywhere. The essays engage in the work of thinking through words to generate a conceptual vocabulary that will allow for a global conversation on social theory that will be necessarily multilingual. With essays by scholars, across generations, and from a variety of disciplines - history, anthropology, and philosophy to literature and political theory - this book will be essential reading for scholars, researchers and students of critical theory and the social sciences"--

"This book is an original, systematic, and radical attempt at decolonizing critical theory. Drawing on linguistic concepts from sixteen languages from Asia, Africa, the Arab world, and South America, the essays in the volume explore the entailments of words while discussing their conceptual implications for the humanities and the social sciences everywhere. The essays engage in the work of thinking through words to generate a conceptual vocabulary that will allow for a global conversation on social theory that will be necessarily multilingual. With essays by scholars, across generations, and from a variety of disciplines - history, anthropology, and philosophy to literature and political theory - this book will be essential reading for scholars, researchers and students of critical theory and the social sciences"--

"This book is an original, systematic, and radical attempt at decolonizing critical theory. Drawing on linguistic concepts from sixteen languages from Asia, Africa, the Arab world, and South America, the essays in the volume explore the entailments of words while discussing their conceptual implications for the humanities and the social sciences everywhere. The essays engage in the work of thinking through words to generate a conceptual vocabulary that will allow for a global conversation on social theory that will be necessarily multilingual. With essays by scholars, across generations, and from a variety of disciplines - history, anthropology, and philosophy to literature and political theory - this book will be essential reading for scholars, researchers and students of critical theory and the social sciences"--

The term "national interest" has been used by statesmen and scholars since the founding of nation-states to describe the aspirations and goals of sovereign entities in the international arena. Today foreign ministers, military strategists and academicians discuss the vital interests of their countries in ways suggesting that everyone understands precisely what they mean and will draw correct inferences from their use of the term. Nothing could be further from reality. In truth, the study of international politics as well as the art of diplomacy suffer from widespread ambiguity about the meaning of national interest, with the result that some scholars have proposed that the concept be abandoned and replaced by some other phrase. To my mind, this would be an abdication of the scholar's responsibility because, whether we like it or not, the term national interest is so deeply ingrained in the literature of international relations and diplomatic language that it is unlikely to be dismissed from our vocabulary simply because some scholars find it useless. Were we to attempt to substitute some new phrase, we would likely find even less consensus and could become engaged in yet another round of jargon-creation. A better alternative, I suggest, is to strive for a more precise definition of national interest and then provide a conceptual framework in which serious discussion of foreign policy and international politics can become more fruitful. That is the purpose of this paper.

The importance of effectiveness in lawmaking is acknowledged by scholars and practitioners alike. Yet the concept remains one of the most vague terms in legal vocabulary. The article maintains that effectiveness has concrete content that reflects the systemic coherence and alignment between four fundamental elements of legislation: objectives, content, context and results. From this perspective effective legislation is the result of complex mechanics in the conceptualisation, design and drafting of the law and cannot materialise unless it is a clear concern in the early phases of lawmaking. The article takes a closer look at the fundamental elements of effectiveness and articulates the specific challenges that lawmakers are facing when attempting to design and draft effective rules. The "effectiveness test", a conceptual tools that adds "effectiveness lenses" to the existing lawmaking toolkit, is developed in more depth to a set of critical questions that lawmakers need to address in order to make conscious decisions on effective drafts.