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Conspiracy theories continue to threaten individuals, groups, and social institutions. They are easily spread through social media and are attractive to many in society. These theories commonly target perceived dangers to those in power and, thus, can undermine both social justice and human rights. Consequently, social work—with its focus on social justice and the person-in-environment framing—must assume a proactive role in dealing with these theories, which includes interventions at many different levels of practice beginning with education. Social work's goal of achieving inclusive, diverse, and equitable societies demands that the profession assume an active role in challenging these theories.

Dieser Essay untersucht die Risiken der Theorie in Verschwörungstheorie und moderner Forschung. Anhand von Beispielen aus altgriechischer Wissenschaft und aktueller US-Politik wird argumentiert, dass Theorie, besonders wenn sie von Beweisen getrennt operiert, den Menschen erlaubt, über das hinaus zu sehen, was bereits vorhanden ist. Die Theorie, die ihre kühnsten Behauptungen bestenfalls mit Beweisen begrenzt, wird als eine mögliche Schwäche in der modernen Forschung im Allgemeinen und als Teil eines folkloristischen Paradoxons hinter Verschwörungstheorien im Besonderen diskutiert. ; This essay explores the risks of the theory behind conspiracy theories and modern inquiry. Using examples from ancient Greek science and current US politics, it argues that theory, especially when separated from evidence, permits humans to see beyond what is already there. Theory, which at its best limits its boldest claims with evidence, is discussed as a telltale weakness in modern inquiry in general as well as part of the folkloric paradox behind conspiracy theories in particular.

Conspiracy theories on social media have been suspected of contributing to mobilization and radicalization. Yet, few studies have examined the prevalence of psychological variables that may serve to motivate normative and non-normative collective action in this material. Drawing from the "social identity model of collective action", the current study uses a mixed-methods approach to examine the prevalence of collective action cues in conspiracy theory-endorsing social media spaces. Towards this end, I examined four German Facebook groups (Covid-19-Skeptic, Far-Right, Chemtrail, and Political Affairs) during the first months of the Covid-19 pandemic. The results of qualitative content analysis (N = 828 posts), a hierarchical cluster analysis, and the examination of popularity cues showed that: (a) collective action cues were frequent; (b) most posts transmitted alternative views (Cluster 1) or absolutist ideologies (Cluster 2) with few collective action cues - yet, more than one-third of the posts were either mobilizing (Cluster 3) or wrathful (Cluster 4), entailing multiple collective action cues including cues theoretically linked to non-normative action; (c) mobilizing and wrathful posts were more engaging than alternative views and absolutist ideologies; (d) the types of posts and levels of engagement varied between the examined groups such that the Chemtrail and the Far-Right group disseminated more content with a higher mobilizing potential. The Far-Right group was also the most active in responding to its members. The results of this study are novel in that they demonstrate the prevalence of cues that have been linked to non-normative collective action in psychological research within conspiracy theory-endorsing Facebook groups.

AbstractConcerns about lying and sincerity in politics are common in most societies, as are concerns about conspiracy theories. But in the occupied Palestinian territory, these concerns give rise to particular kinds of effects because of the conditions of Israeli occupation. Political theorists often interpret opacity claims and conspiracy theories as responses to social disorder. In occupied Palestine, disorder and instability are standard. Opacity claims and conspiracy theories therefore require a different kind of analysis. Through an examination of the semiotic ideology of sincerity, especially as it has emerged in the conflict between Fatah and Hamas, this article argues that opacity claims act as a form of nationalist pedagogy, at once reinforcing the basic principles of sincerity of action and word, and encouraging a wariness of political spin.

This article explores the conceptual, methodological, and practical implications of research on state crimes against democracy (SCADs). In contrast to conspiracy theories, which speculate about each suspicious event in isolation, the SCAD construct delineates a general category of criminality and calls for crimes that fit this category to be examined comparatively. Using this approach, an analysis of post—World War II SCADs and suspected SCADs highlights a number of commonalities in SCAD targets, timing, and policy consequences. SCADs often appear where presidential politics and foreign policy intersect. SCADs differ from earlier forms of political corruption in that they frequently involve political, military, and/or economic elites at the very highest levels of the social and political order.The article concludes by suggesting statutory and constitutional reforms to improve SCAD prevention and detection.