Disorderly Demobilization : Veterans and Postwar Crime
In: Demobilized Veterans in Late Stalinist Leningrad : Soldiers to Civilians
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In: Demobilized Veterans in Late Stalinist Leningrad : Soldiers to Civilians
In: Nature, society, and thought: NST ; a journal of dialectical and historical materialism, Band 15, Heft 1, S. 5-39
ISSN: 0890-6130
In: Journal of contemporary history, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 65
ISSN: 0022-0094
In: Journal of contemporary history, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 65-81
ISSN: 1461-7250
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 81, Heft 1, S. 19-27
ISSN: 1552-3349
In: Issues & studies: a social science quarterly on China, Taiwan, and East Asian affairs, Band 24, Heft 2, S. 86-106
ISSN: 1013-2511
World Affairs Online
In: Stability: International Journal of Security & Development, Band 4, Heft 1
ISSN: 2165-2627
In: American political science review, Band 38, Heft 6, S. 1137-1153
ISSN: 1537-5943
In: World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 7732
SSRN
Working paper
In: From Conflict to Recovery in Africa, S. 87-105
In: Public administration review: PAR, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 263
ISSN: 1540-6210
In: The China quarterly: an international journal for the study of China, Heft 146: China's military in transition, S. 336-359
ISSN: 0305-7410, 0009-4439
In their repeated attempts to refute the "China threat" syndrome, Chinese leaders stress, among other things, the 25 percent cut of about one million troops in the size of the People's Liberation Army (PLA), announced in the mid-1980s. The author explores demobilization under Mao Zedong and after his death and problems and implications of demobilization. He points out that ostensibly, China's post-Mao demobilization has been remarkable. Within a few years over one million troops, one quarter of the PLA, have reportedly been transferred to civilian life. China's military strength is compared with those of some other countries. (DÜI-Sen)
World Affairs Online
In: On the FrontlinesGender, War, and the Post-Conflict Process, S. 131-151
In: Slavic review: interdisciplinary quarterly of Russian, Eurasian and East European studies, Band 76, Heft 3, S. 703-709
ISSN: 2325-7784
Our essay proposes that while the predominant concept of revolution as driven by the mobilization of social, political, and cultural forces has value, at least as important for understanding the revolutions of 1917 was the dramatic demobilization of army, police, state, and society. We suggest that revolutions often see a conflict between affective mobilization (in which some portion of the citizenry becomes much more enthusiastic about particular social and political projects) and structural demobilization (in which the failure of major state institutions and economic enterprises makes positive social and political change nearly impossible). In early 1917, affective mobilization on behalf of the war and the regime was in decline, but structural mobilization was at its peak. The February Revolution brought a sudden radical structural demobilization. This structural demobilization both made it possible for relatively modest numbers of revolutionary forces to succeed in October 1917 and made the emergence of widespread apathy and disillusionment in 1918 much more likely.
In: Studies in conflict and terrorism, Band 31, Heft 6, S. 520-540
ISSN: 1521-0731