Suchergebnisse

This collection of papers is the sixth volume in the Comparative Austronesian series. The papers that comprise this volume examine the concept of precedence as a form of local discourse and as a mechanism for ordering status, at different levels, within specific Austronesian-speaking societies. This is the first volume of its kind to focus entirely on precedence and to provide an explication of its social uses and the way in which it is contested. Each paper is ethnographically-focused and offers its own distinctive approach to the examination of precedence. The papers, however, relate closely to one another and are thus able to proffer a variety of comparative reflections.

In line with a long sociological tradition, Niklas Luhmann has analysed the basic characteristics of modern society in terms of social differentiation. Luhmann has focused on the forms of differentiation, and argued that modern society is differentiated according to subsystems that concentrate on one function (e.g. the economy, law, science, politics, education). In the first part of the article, I explore the backgrounds of this systems-theoretical framework. In the second part, this framework is used to analyse the structural characteristics of the educational system. This system has its basis in the school's complexes of interaction and organization. But education is also confronted with the consequences of its own autonomy, its own mode of operating. It is suggested that these secondary effects have more impact on the evolution of this system than its societal environment.

The larger movement for racial equality in the United States has experienced considerable structural and ideological differentiation in the past decade, largely as a consequence of disagreement over tactics to be employed. Two direct‐action sub‐movements, the southern sit‐ins and the urban riots, best illustrate the divergence with the former committed to tactical nonviolence and the latter to violent means of effecting social change.To regain the momentum lost through this differentiation, certain leaders must reorganize a major part of the black population around a tactical approach that acknowledges both the peculiar needs and temper of the potential protestors, and the nature and tolerance level of the system it seeks to change. Responding to these criteria, the approach may develop in the form of an extremely militant but basically nonviolent tactic of social disruption, combining all but the most violent techniques used to date by equal rights activists.

Existing research inadequately addresses the variation in Mexican Americans' patterns of ethnic identification. Drawing on 78 interviews, I address this question by exploring how conceptions of ancestry and nationality shape ethnic identification among New Mexico's long-standing Mexican American population, Nuevomexicanos. I find that Nuevomexicanos emphasized their ties to Spanish heritage within the history of New Mexico to explain their ethnicity and to construct their identity in opposition to Mexican immigrants. Although Nuevomexicanos varied in their claims to Mexican ancestry, they generally prioritized their roots in the original Spanish settlement of New Mexico to emphasize distinctions in ancestry, nationality, and regionality from Mexican immigrants. Moreover, despite Nuevomexicanos' persistent claims to Spanish ancestry, they did not perceive themselves as racially White. Instead, Spanish ancestry was integral to Nuevomexicano identity because it enabled them to highlight their regional ties to New Mexico and long-time American identities. Thus, I argue that Nuevomexicanos' enduring claims to Spanish ancestry represent a defensive strategy to enact dissociation from stigmatized Mexican immigrants. Overall, these findings show that Mexican Americans' dissociation strategies are contingent on how they define themselves as members of an ethnic and national community. These findings also indicate that "Mexican American" as an identity term is a loosely maintained membership category among "Mexican Americans" because of their intragroup heterogeneity.

Les configurations de la différenciation spatiale en 1971 sont examinées à partir des données par secteurs de recensement et on trouve qu'elles sont assez proches de celles de 1961. Le niveau socioéconomique a varié principalement par secteur, la situation familiale a varié par zone, et le statut ethnique n'a varié ni par l'un ni par l'autre d'une manière marquante. Bien que les changements décennaux soient petits, nos résultats sont en opposition avec l'hypothèse évolutionniste de Schnore en ce qui concerne la différenciation socioéconomique. Dans la majorité des villes canadiennes, le statut des secteurs de recensement du centre ville s'est effectivement élevé et le statut des secteurs des faubourgs a baissé. La situation familiale devient plus différenciée par zone, ce qui soutient l'hypothèse évolutionniste. Le statut ethnique décrit seulement de faibles configurations par zone et par secteur pour les deux années étudiées.Using census tract data, patterns of spatial differentiation in 1971 are examined and found to be fairly close to those that existed in 1961. Spatial patterning of socioeconomic status was dominantly sectoral, family status was zonal, and ethnic status not markedly one orthe other. Though the changes during the decade are small, our findings run contrary to the evolutionary hypothesis of Schnore with regard to socioeconomic differentiation. The majority of Canadian cities actually increased in the status of inner‐city census tracts and decreased in the status of outlying, suburban tracts. Family status is becoming more zonally differentiated, which is supportive of the evolutionary hypothesis. Ethnic status describes only rather weak zonal and sectoral patterns in either year.