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This article provides an overview of the study of the European Union since the doldrums of the 1970s. We focus on three debates that have helped to shape the field. Has European integration centralised state control or is European integration part of a process of dispersion of authority? What is the role of identity in framing preferences over European integration? And, finally, is European integration part of a new political cleavage? We observe that the European Union is a moving target. It has a habit of throwing up new and unexpected facts which wrong-foot extant theories. We have no grounds for believing that this will not continue. Adapted from the source document.

The welfare state is a defining feature of European countries. European welfare states originated in the late 19th century and developed throughout the first half of the 20th century. The welfare state attained its modern form by mid-20th century. Post-WWII era witnessed the golden age of European welfare states, which acquired a level of sophistication enviable for the rest of the world. The optimism on the sustainability of the welfare state was challenged by the global economic crisis of the 1970s. European welfare states were obliged to curb down social expenditure as a result of the general economic downturn. The welfare state received criticism from all fronts after the 1970s and European welfare states were constrained by both internal and external factors. Internal factors that worked against the sustainability of European welfare states were ageing, lower economic growth rates, shifting labour market structures and attitudes towards the welfare state. External factors that challenged the welfare state structures in European countries were the European integration process and globalization. The aim of this thesis is to assess the current predicament of European welfare states within the context of the problems they have been subject to after the 1970s. The response of European welfare states to the crisis and the impact of the European integration process on European welfare states are significant themes in this assessment. The question of whether European welfare states are undermined by the European integration process is given particular consideration. The overall analysis has yielded the conclusion that European welfare states, challenged by both internal and external constraints, have survived the crisis. In addition, European integration and globalization have not caused a dismantling of European welfare states. Nevertheless, these factors have determined the multi-tiered framework within which European welfare states are compelled to operate. ÖZRefah devleti Avrupa ülkelerinin belirleyici unsurlarından biridir. Kökenleri 19.yy'ın sonlarına dek uzanan Avrupa refah devletleri, 20.yy'ın ilk yarısı boyunca gelişimlerini sürdürmüş ve yüzyıl ortalarına gelindiğinde refah devleti modern formuna kavuşmuştur. İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası dönem, günümüzde bir çok toplumun imrendiği bir gelişmişlik seviyesine ulaşan Avrupa refah devletlerinin altın çağına tanıklık etmiştir. Refah devletinin sürdürülebilirliği konusundaki iyimserlik 1970'lerdeki küresel ekonomik kriz ile sarsılmıştır. Avrupa refah devletleri küresel ekonomik kriz sonucu sosyal harcamalarını kısmak zorunda kalmışlardır. Refah devleti 1970'ler boyunca bir çok kesim tarafından eleştirilmiş ve Avrupa refah devletleri hem içsel hem de dışsal etmenlerle sınırlandırılmışlardır. İçsel faktörler yaşlanan nüfus, düşük ekonomik büyüme oranları, işgücü piyasası yapısında ve refah devletine karşı tutumlarda yaşanan değişikliklerdir. Avrupa ülkelerindeki refah devleti yapılarına tehdit oluşturan dışsal faktörler ise Avrupa entegrasyon süreci ve küreselleşmedir. Tezin amacı Avrupa refah devletlerinin günümüzde içinde bulundukları durumu, 1970'lerden itibaren yaşadıkları sorunlar bağlamında incelemektir. Avrupa refah devletlerinin krize karşı tutumları ve Avrupa entegrasyon sürecinin Avrupa refah devletlerine olan etkileri tezde incelenen temel noktalardır. Avrupa entegrasyon sürecinin Avrupa refah devletlerinin temellerini sarsıp sarsmadığı hususuna özel önem atfedilmiştir. Yapılan çalışma içsel ve dışsal sınırlamalarla karşılaşan Avrupa refah devletlerinin kriz dönemini atlattıklarını göstermektedir. Buna ek olarak, Avrupa entegrasyon süreci ve küreselleşme Avrupa refah devletlerinin yıkılmasına yol açmamıştır. Ancak, Avrupa refah devletlerinin içinde varolmak zorunda oldukları çok-katmanlı sistemi belirlemişlerdir.

Many European citizens do not have a clear idea about European identity. But a European Dream (in many ways parallel to the American Dream) has raised hopes and offered opportunities for democratic and peaceful development. As F.J. Turner emphasized the importance of the frontier in shaping American character, we can also see the importance of the frontier in shaping the European mindset. In terms of topological mapping, a frontier is often also a war‑front. Outside Europe as well, borders such as the Great Wall of China have defined territory as a defended area. However, boundaries have seen not only war. Many cross‑border regions have in fact seen dialogue, communication, commerce, change, travel, and mutual inspiration. European identity was strengthened and defined through ancient reasoning concerning frontiers. According to Braudel, the Mediterranean cannot be understood independently from what is exterior to it. The first European identity was strengthened and defined on the frontier and the values of Europe are best perceived along its borders. The light shines strongest in the point of its source, but it is more appreciated to the point of its limit, where darkness and brightness compete for space – and even for life. European peripheries may be seen as a problem, yet they are the bastions of Europe and today, like yesterday, they have frequently prevented the institutional collapse of the center of Europe. Sometimes, an institutional breakdown begins at the peripheries and then, like an avalanche, sweeps the center away.

ÖZETMaastricht anlasmasının ardından Avrupa'nın girdigi yeni dönemde, Avrupa bütünlesmesive Avrupa Birligi'nin gelecegine dair yeni ve farklı görüsler, Avrupa Kimligi konusunda çokboyutlu ve yogun tartısmaları beraberinde getirmistir. Avrupa Kimligi'nin bir kurgu, birsöylem olarak ele alındıgı bu çalısmada, kimlik kavramının dogası, Avrupa'nın geçmiste vegünümüzde tahayyülü ve kavramsallastırılmasının yanında ulusal siyasal alanlardakiAvrupa kurguları da incelenmektedir. Bunların yanısıra, Avrupa Kimligi'ninve yaratacagıaidiyet bilincinin, Avrupa bütünlesmesinin halihazırda mevcut ve gelecekte muhtemelyapısal ve islevsel çerçevesine mesruiyet kazandırma aracı olarak kullanımına yönelikihtiyaçlar, niyetler ve yöntemler tartısılmaktadır.ABSTRACTAfter Maastricht Treaty, distinct, new visions on the future of the European integration andEuropean Union brought forward ever-increasing discussions around European identity.Considering European identity as a discourse, this study dealt with the nature of identityphenomenon, imaginations and conceptualizations of Europe in the past and today, andthe designs and constructions of Europe in the national political spaces. Furthermore, theneed and motivations for the employment of European identity as a means forlegitimization of the present framework and future prospects of European integrationprocess are also considered.

Using a wide range of material the authors aim to provide a thorough assessment of the European Council's work from 1975 to 1985. They explain its fluctuating performance, its impact on other European Community institutions and analyze it in the context of international and domestic issues

In this article, the author explores how the question of Europe has been established on the domestic scene. The article focuses on referenda on EU-related issues held in three EU member states, ranging from Ireland in 2001, to Sweden in 2003, and finally France in 2005. In all three cases, the national populations voted against the will of a majority of their representatives, and chose not to follow the defined EU agenda towards greater integration. The study includes analyses of the national news reporting in the three cases as well as responses from Brussels. The author infers that the three No-votes, in the perspective of the political elites, were interpreted as incentives to further the integration process, spelling out a message of that Europeans want Europe, even if some people (i.e. the No-voting majorities) were consideredyetto learn what it means to be, act and think as Europeans in Europe.