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Cover-title. ; Pt. 1. History of Indiana employment security legislation -- pt. 3. Selected statistics ; Mode of access: Internet.

Has supplements. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Compiled 1955- by the Legislative Council. ; Issued by the California Employment Commission; 19 -46 by the California Employment Stabilization Commission and th California Umemployment Insurance Appeals Board; 1947- by the Dept. of Employment; 19-63 by the Printing Division Documents Section: 1965- by the Dept. of General Services, Documents Section.

Contents: Do we need compulsory public unemployment insurance: yes, by Abraham Epstein; Same: no; by Noel Sargent; Is the unemployment risk insurable, by I. M. Rubinow; American voluntary attempts at unemployment benefits, by B. M. Stewart; The Wisconsin idea: unemployment reserves, by P. A. Raushenbush; The Ohio idea: unemployment insurance, by I. M. Rubinow; Prospects for unemployment compensation laws, by J. B. Andrews.

The debate on classification instruments for social security regimes opened by Esping-Andersen (1990) usually neglects the examination of the normative impact of the welfare state. This article focus on this latter through an analysis of systems of protection against unemployment in 11 of the European countries included in the database known as the Mutual Information System on Social Protection (MISSOC).We show in this article that unemployment insurance only recognize legal, authorized and declared salaried employees who have resided in the country for a set period of time, which confirms the close link between social policy and nationality, with some foreign workers being excluded from the circle of beneficiaries because of these norms. Unemployment insurance also always considers jobs as rare social goods - workers are expected to hold on to them, but they are declined differently along a person's life course. The dominance of the male employment norm and the complete lack of consideration given to domestic labour by unemployment insurance contribute to structuring gendered roles as separate and hierarchically organized. Disparities between countries, whether related to contextual differences or to the history of the local welfare state, do not weaken these arguments since they are not founded upon fundamentally different conceptions of unemployment.

SUMMARYIn 1900, a special type of unemployment insurance was set up in Belgium: the so-called "Ghent system", which had some influence on the development of unemployment insurance in many European countries. This particular system was characterized by the important role played by the trade-union unemployment societies. The public authorities (in Belgium, from 1920 onwards, the central government next to the towns and provinces) encouraged the affiliation of the labourers to these societies by granting different sorts of financial support to the unemployed society members and to the societies themselves. During the crisis of the 1930s, this led to an important growth of Belgian trade-union membership. On the other hand, the quantitative growth of the labour movement due to this particular organization of unemployment insurance, led to many negative sideeffects for the trade unions (administrative chaos, financial problems, loss of combativity). Moreover, the employers' organizations strongly opposed this system of unemployment insurance, because they thought it reinforced the labour movement's power in society (strengthening of union membership, influence on wage formation, obstruction of deflation policy). This article examines the heated debates waged in the labour movement itself and between this actor, the employers' organizations and the government, to solve the many important problems posed by this type of social insurance. The Belgian pre-Second World War debate concerning unemployment insurance was of great importance for the shaping of the Welfare State in Belgium, which took its present-day form in 1944.