Suchergebnisse

This article analyzes the discourses and strategies of residential exclusion in Cape Town and New York. Although representing vastly different regions, both case studies are historically middle-class residential areas that have recently undergone significant immigrant influx. The responses of long-term residents and local governments are explored, in particular, the role of "values" (sociocultural, physical, and economic) ascribed to space by residents in shaping and legitimizing exclusive discourses and practices. The authors conclude that while long-term homeowners express some very "real" and "valid" reasons for exclusionary attitudes, the consequent exclusion of already underprivileged demographic groups is problematic.

Citizenship in the UK has in recent times been explicitly framed as a privilege not a right, granted selectively and withdrawn from some. There are several criteria that assist the government in distinguishing those deserving of British citizenship from those undeserving, one of the key ones being 'character'. The 'bad character' criterion can apply for multiple reasons from inconsistencies in immigration paperwork to direct or indirect political associations with a range of disavowed political groups. Although not new, 'bad character' has become a principle reason for citizenship refusals in recent years, though has received little academic scrutiny. By bringing together quantitative and qualitative data on citizenship refusals, the article maps the scale of this measure, outlining what it means and to whom it applies. It argues that the 'bad character' criterion operates as a racialised exclusionary mechanism that constitutes a new set of amorphous restrictions upon the lives of non-white denizens.

Abstract: The Norm of Exclusion in Article 8 of the Draft on the Prohibition of Alcoholic Beverages (Analysis of the Islamic Criminal Law and The Science of Legislation). This article aims to analyze the exclusion norm in article 8 of the Draft ban on alcoholic beverages, for limited interest reasons that include: (a) customary interests, (b) religious rituals, (c) tourists, (d) pharmaceuticals, and (e) places permitted by law. In principle, the exclusion of the ban on alcoholic beverages remains contrary to the norms of Islamic law because the prohibition of alcoholic beverages is already the right of Allah Almighty. Therefore, those who consume alcoholic beverages remain illegally punished. However, for the sake of greater welfare by adhering to the principle of emergency and sadd al-dzarî'ah, the action of the country that gives space to allow the limited places of sale of alcoholic beverages is considered true by fiqh. Nevertheless, in the context of the development of a dignified national law, this exclusionary provision should not be reserved for Muslim citizens, and for citizens other than Muslims may be adapted to their respective religious law. Specializing in the legal arrangement in theory of statutory sciences may be made by including additional norms in paragraphs or on the provisions of exclusionary explanations in article 8 of the Draft on the Prohibition of Alcoholic Beverages.

AbstractThis article brings together two sets of insights about deliberative democracy and uses them to develop a novel epistemic justification for the importance of testimony. Some democratic theorists have argued persuasively that a deliberative process limited to formal argumentation is exclusionary and thus undermines democratic legitimacy; they have made a compelling case for testimony on grounds of democratic inclusion. Others have made the case that deliberation has important epistemic benefits. Those theorists emphasize the give and take of reasons as a means to arrive at well-informed collective decisions. The author's central claim is that there is an important epistemic value to the inclusion of testimony. It can introduce new information into the deliberative process. It can enable deliberators to grasp connections between the particular and the general. And it can invite them to imaginatively engage with the experiences of others. These epistemic benefits provide a new set of reasons for including testimony in democratic deliberation.

This study is based on a survey and interviews in six Icelandic firms in which share purchases by employees have transpired. The focus is on employees' characteristics and motives in becoming shareowners as well as the reasons for non-participation. The article's contribution is to add to the theory and empirical evidence regarding the individual-level antecedents to employee ownership across both majority and minority variants. The results reveal that income, tenure and age influence ownership status. There is some support for expectations that employees place greater emphasis on stakeholder goals and collective goals in majority employee-owned firms and on financial goals in minority employee-owned firms. Employees were hindered from becoming owners due to a lack of funds or internal exclusionary barriers.

AbstractWest German anticommunism and the SED's Westarbeit were to some extent interrelated. From the beginning, each German state had attemted to stabilise its own social system while trying to discredit its political opponent. The claim to sole representation and the refusal to acknowledge each other delineated governmental action on both sides. Anticommunism in West Germany re-developed under the conditions of the Cold War, which allowed it to become virtually the reason of state and to serve as a tool for the exclusion of KPD supporters. In its turn, the SED branded the West German State as 'revanchist' and instrumentalised its anticommunism to persecute and eliminate opponents within the GDR. Both phenomena had an integrative and exclusionary element.

AbstractThis article discusses potential reasons for the continuities in the broader policy agendas of capitalist states, despite radical shifts in economic policies, by employing the state‐rescaling framework. Its main thrust is that, even though centrally designed policy programs mainly aim to give direction to the dynamics of the market economy, the institutional (re)structuring needed to operationalize such policy measures has been shaped around a politics of redistribution, a product both of the exclusionary results of past policies and the negative results of the newly introduced policy programs. This dialectical tension turns state rescaling into a political exercise in solving, and reproducing, 'systemic crises'. The article examines the history of state rescaling in Turkey to develop these arguments.

This article discusses potential reasons for the continuities in the broader policy agendas of capitalist states, despite radical shifts in economic policies, by employing the state-rescaling framework. Its main thrust is that, even though centrally designed policy programs mainly aim to give direction to the dynamics of the market economy, the institutional (re)structuring needed to operationalize such policy measures has been shaped around a politics of redistribution, a product both of the exclusionary results of past policies and the negative results of the newly introduced policy programs. This dialectical tension turns state rescaling into a political exercise in solving, and reproducing, systemic crises'. The article examines the history of state rescaling in Turkey to develop these arguments.

The circumstances related to the "repatriation," from GB to Ireland, of Irish unmarried mothers & their children has still to be explored by social historians. One reason for this omission is connected to the absence of women & children within Irish historiography. None the less, adoption agency records throw light on the "repatriation" process in the 1950s & 1960s. In seeking to understand the way that Irish unmarried mothers were responded to, it is necessary to scrutinize the more encompassing & dominant professional discourse on unmarried mothers & child adoption during this period. Importantly, however, the treatment of these women & the practice of "repatriation" needs also to take into account other historically rooted, exclusionary practices directed at Irish migrants to GB. Adapted from the source document.

Intro -- Dedication -- Gratitude -- Special Dedication to the COVID-19 Deceased (2020-2021) -- Contents -- Foreword -- References -- Preface -- Unmasking Bullying and Harassment -- Introduction -- Challenging the Academy and the Corporate Workplace -- Part One - Overview of International Perspectives -- Part Two - Bullying And Harassment Case Studies -- Who are the Contributors? -- Conclusion -- References -- Acknowledgments -- Part One -- Overview of International Perspectives -- Chapter 1 -- Power Imbalance, Bullying and Harassment in Academia and the Glocal Workplace: Call for Action -- Abstract -- Introduction -- Call to Action and Justice for Change -- Terminology Clarified - Power Imbalance, Bullying and Harassment -- Victims, Targets and Traumatized Employees/Traumatized Individuals and Groups -- Systemic Bullying -- Bullying -- Incivility and Harassment -- Incivility -- Mobbing and Mobbing Crew -- Harassment -- Sexual Harassment -- The Color of Apartheid: From a South African Lived Experience Perspective -- Institutional Racism -- Structural Racism -- Race, Racism and Systemic Racism -- Conscious, Sub-Conscious and 'Unconscious' Bias? -- "People of Color" (contested label) -- Power Base, Power Differentials and the Imbalance of Power -- Reason Why Bullying Thrives in Academia -- Call for Action against Bullying and Harassment in Academia and Glocal Workplaces -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 2 -- Challenging the Politics of Equity, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI): From Exclusion 'for Profit' to Inclusion 'for Profit' -- Abstract -- Introduction -- Defining the Boundaries and Ambiguities of EDI (Equity, Diversity and Inclusion) -- Equity, Equality and Parity -- Diversity -- Inclusion -- Overview and Discussion of Exclusionary and Inclusionary 'for Profit' Agendas -- Politics of Inclusionary versus Exclusionary 'for Profit' EDI.

This article assesses the differences in the design of electoral institutions & electoral outcomes in 20 Eastern & 20 Western European democracies. It finds broad similarities between the types of electoral systems that have been adopted in the two parts of the continent. The size & shape of the party systems that have been generated by these systems are also similar overall. Yet statistical analysis demonstrates that the electoral systems of Eastern Europe are doing far more 'work' than their Western counterparts to reduce the size of party systems, & that they are more likely to use exclusionary thresholds to achieve this end than manipulation of constituency size. Possible reasons for these differences are discussed with reference to the factors that impinge on electoral system design. Adapted from the source document.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Lists of figures -- Lists of tables -- Contributors -- Foreword -- Preface and acknowledgments -- Chapter 1: Internal migration and citizenship in India: An emerging perspective -- Policy and research on internal migration: a futuristic agenda -- Overview of the book -- Concluding remarks -- Note -- References -- Part I: Migrants and citizenship -- Chapter 2: Why do migrants remain excluded in present-day India and what should we do about it? -- Protective labor legislation in India -- Migrant-specific legislation -- Micro-spaces of exploitation and segmented urban labor markets -- Recruiters, contractors, intermediaries -- Exclusionary urban policies -- Data on migration -- Conclusion and way forward -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 3: Migration and Right to the City: A gender perspective -- Cities, migration, and gender -- Women's migration to cities: extent and reasons -- Migration, gender, and exclusionary city -- Conclusion and way forward -- References -- Part II: Migrants and electoral politics -- Chapter 4: Migration and inclusive elections -- The context -- Migration and identity politics: theoretical debates -- Migration and turnout -- Plausible mechanisms -- Political consequences of extending voting rights to internal migrants in host societies -- Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 5: Electoral participation in India's metropolitan cities -- Voter turnout in India's metropolitan cities: the problem -- Argument: is it really the middle class that doesn't turn out to vote? -- Electoral participation among India's urban poor: a case study of Delhi -- What explains the lower political participation of migrants? -- Conclusion -- Note -- References -- Chapter 6: Inclusive exclusions: Citizenship practices and circular migrants in India after 1989.

We live in a human-rights world. The language of human-rights claims and numerous human-rights institutions shape almost all aspects of our political lives, yet we struggle to know how to judge this development. Scholars give us good reason to be both supportive and sceptical of the universal claims that human rights enable, alternatively suggesting that they are pillars of cross-cultural understanding of justice or the ideological justification of a violent and exclusionary global order. All too often, however, our evaluations of our human-rights world are not based on sustained consideration of their complex, ambiguous and often contradictory consequences. This volume argues that human rights are only as good as the ends they help us realise. We must attend to what ethical principles actually do in the world to know their value.

The crisis arising from climate change poses imminent threats to marginalised human and nonhuman populations, necessitating a concerted effort to formulate comprehensive solutions. The primary reason for climate change is humans' rampant exploitation of natural resources through extractivism. The hubris of human exceptionalism allowed humans to continue this attitude of total disregard (Braidotti 2013, Ferrando 2020, Jensen and Auld 2022). In order to understand the flaws of human exceptionalism, it is imperative to comprehend prevailing notions of the human and how they create exclusionary boundaries. Posthumanism helps to realise the full potential of the decentering of the human as the measure of everything (Herbrechter 2013, Ferrando 2013, Ferrando 2020). It is a call for action to radically redefine the monolithic concept of humanism that emerged during the Enlightenment period in Europe (Braidotti 2013, Ferrando 2020).

The purpose of this article is to think about voice in order to reflect on the reasons for the exclusion of women's voice in political contexts. It seeks to reinforce the connection between discourse and listening as a constructive path to social and political peace, especially from a feminist perspective that recovers voice as a central element for this construct and based on Adriana Cavarero's theoretical approach. The absence of women's voice from logocentric traditions cancels possibilities of resistance and separates voice and discourse, an issue underpinned by binary metaphysics that block plurality, singularity, and difference. From there emanate exclusionary univocentric totalitarian forms with the consequence of the emergence of violence. This voice in plurality demands a listening that is constituted as a horizon to promote the political space and the construction of peace.