Suchergebnisse

The article presents a research in the field of psychoanalysis and philosophy. The main thesis of the work is that Freud's psychoanalytic concept is an extension of the rationalist philosophy of Descartes, which contradicts well-established in the field of humanities postulate that psychoanalysis – an irrational conception. The text deals with the concept of the decentered subject as the foundation of non-classical ideal of rationality, which is discussed in connection with the discovery of Freud's unconscious function for models of cognition in the late XIX – early XX century. Also in the article analyzes the connection «psychic» and «political» dimensions of subjectivity in the long term feasibility of free action. The main question of the article is: can we consider the mental apparatus as a repressive machine that constitutes the subject as an effect of the production of power or resources of psychic have a liberation potential?Key words: psychoanalysis, philosophy, subject, unconscious, rationalism, psychic, power, action. ; Основной тезис статьи состоит в том, что психоаналитическая концепция Фрейда является продолжением рационалистической философии Декарта, данное положение опровергает устоявшийся в области гуманитарного знания постулат, утверждающий психоанализ как иррационалистическую концепцию. В работе рассматривается понятие децентрированного субъекта как основания неклассического идеала рациональности, о котором ведется речь в связи с открытием Фрейдом значения функции бессознательного для моделей познания в конце XIX – начале XX в. В статье также проводится анализ связи «психического» и «политического» измерений субъективности в перспективе возможности осуществления свободного действия. Ставится вопрос: можем ли мы рассматривать психический аппарат как репрессивную машину, конституирующую субъекта как эффект производства власти, или ресурсы психики обладают освободительным потенциалом?

Over the past 30 years, Israel has made great progress in attitudes and practices about smoking; probably nothing else has contributed more to the health of its population. Yet, a recent survey about a non-smoking ban at an Israeli health sciences campus found incomplete enforcement. In addition, smoking rates among health sciences students, though lower than the general population, were higher than might be expected based on rates in other developed countries. Whether the ban is—as the authors speculate—"an intrusive life style intervention" or a justifiable public health intervention, cuts to the heart of the history of tobacco control efforts and their opposition by the tobacco industry. Despite concerns that the Israeli population is not ready to accept smoke-free bans, experience in other countries suggests otherwise.

This article investigates the existence of the collective action problem among the Arab countries neighboring Israel. The central issue is the time-series pattern of their military expenditures. The collective action framework (Olson, 1971) provides a theoretical guidance for hypothesis testing. The empirical analysis using the cointegration approach has yielded highly consistent evidence that, up to the late 1970s, Egypt was involved in a fierce arms race with Israel, and little evidence that such intensive competition ever existed for Jordan, Lebanon, or Syria alone. The existence of long-run equilibrium relationships and a strong reciprocal impact in such relationships have been established for Egypt and Israel; in regard to minor Front-line Countries (FLCs), long-run relationships with the Israeli expenditure generally exist but the Arab response in the relationships is relatively weak. After the size of the economy is controlled, it is found that Jordan and Lebanon, however, did not take the opportunity to have a complete free-ride of contributing nothing at all, while Syria was least responsive to the increase in the Israeli military spending. Collectively, the minor FLCs added to the equilibrium of the arms races between Israel and the FLCs as a group, especially after the size of the economy for the FLCs as a group and that for Israel are controlled. The empirical findings and conclusion in the article indicate that Olson's original analysis of collective action may be valid in the case of the FLCs.

The use of aircraft and large, seagoing vessels for smuggling marijuana and other illicit drugs has created a burgeoning problem for United States efforts to control its borders. The use of foreign flag ships as "mother ships" is particularly troublesome. This practice involves foreign flag vessels, often containing several tons of marijuana, that hover in international waters just outside the United States territorial sea. The marijuana is transferred from these mother ships to smaller vessels which then cross into United States waters and distribute the contraband at prearranged points along the coast. The immunities provided by international law for foreign mother ships that remain in international waters present barriers to stopping this practice. As will be discussed below, United States law enforcement officials may only board and search these vessels under a limited number of circumstances. Nevertheless, the Coast Guard and Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) do board these vessels, seize marijuana, and successfully prosecute crew members. The Coast Guard's usual procedures to control drug traffic begin when vessels likely to be carrying contraband are located by spotter planes, Coast Guard cutters, or through information supplied by informants. Then the vessel is put under surveillance by a Coast Guard cutter to prevent it from unloading its cargo. Next, the Coast Guard attempts to find a way to overcome the international law immunities protecting the vessel. If the Coast Guard succeeds, the vessel is boarded and searched. If marijuana is found during the search, the ship is seized and the crew arrested. This note examines whether the Coast Guard has been successful in overcoming the immunity of the foreign flag vessels. In recent cases the government used several arguments to justify the Coast Guard's actions. In each of the cases, the defendant contended that the Coast Guard's interference with the foreign vessel was a clear violation of international law. Generally, however, the courts upheld the ...

The purpose of this article is to reach a better understanding of the ways in which culture has been integrated into the EU's external economic relations, particularly through the efforts deployed for enhanced cultural cooperation with third countries. The analysis examines how the EU has sought to promote the diversity of its cultures while fostering more balanced cultural exchanges with partner countries and regions via the negotiation of cultural cooperation protocols accompanying its trade and economic agreements, and the conclusion of specific agreements on cultural cooperation. Following an overview of the EU's cultural powers in general, the analysis focuses on three cultural cooperation protocols, negotiated with the Cariforum states, the Central America group of countries and Korea, and the cultural cooperation agreement entered into with Colombia and Peru. Designed to intensify cultural cooperation, these instruments create a framework for engaging in strengthened policy dialogue on culture and cultural diversity via recourse to a variety of tools. The analysis explores the main features of the collaborative arrangements made; investigates the means selected for encouraging and advancing cultural interaction; identifies the similarities and the differences between the cultural cooperation strategies devised; and places them within the broader trade versus culture debate that has characterized their elaboration.

Free-riding has long been a contentious issue in Australian industrial relations. This article gauges the nature and location of free-riding in Australian workplaces, drawing on the 2004 Australian Worker Representation and Participation Survey. Of the 39.2 percent of employees who could join a union in their workplace and who do not, 51.7 percent may be characterized as deliberately free-riding. A similar proportion of employees may be described as `passive beneficiaries', for whom the costs of membership are greater than the benefits, or for whom the net benefit is not perceived to be positive. Although free-riding is found to reduce as age and tenure increase, and to increase with higher income, supervisory responsibilities and full-time employment status, when free-riding is regressed against a range of personal and workplace characteristics only tenure and supervisory responsibilities retain significance. In general, instrumental motivations prevail over the ideological, personal, organizational and worker characteristics included in this analysis. The implications of these findings for union renewal in the current context are discussed.